[We are posting this rejoinder by Sukla Sen to a recent piece by CPM economist Jayati Ghosh. The original article by Jayati Ghosh is appended at the end of Sukla Sen’s response. Both these appear in a recent publication, Nandigram: What We Stand For by Mazdoor Mukti (Workers’ Liberation), Kolkata. We thank Mazdoor Mukti and Arvind Ghosh for making this available to us.]
In the following article mailed to a number of recipients, Jayati Ghosh has tried to defend the indefensible, the gruesome violence unleashed by the hired mercenaries on the villagers of Nandigram on behalf of and under the patronage of the CPIM, as a political party, and, more significantly, the West Bengal government led by it by means of a counterattack on the critiques of the diabolical act. Not for nothing it is said that “offence is the best defence!” And Jayati Ghosh is nothing if not a faithful soldier of the Party, ready to spring to its defence, with a bit of intellectual halo around her. And if ends justify the means, then sacrificing of truth in carrying out the mission is only a small price to be paid.
We’d attempt here to subject the article, appended below with paragraphs numbered, to a systematic analysis.
In the paragraph [1], Ms. Ghosh pretty sanctimoniously proclaims that the “current events in Nandigram in West Bengal give rise to many emotions, but one of them is surely a sense of shock at the cynicism and irresponsibility of some apparently progressive activists and artistes”.
That of the many emotions evoked by the current events in Nandigram in Ms. Ghosh, the foremost one is “a sense of shock at the cynicism and irresponsibility of some apparently progressive activists and artistes” and any sense of horror at the violence perpetrated by the hired mercenaries backed up by the state figures nowhere in the list speaks for itself.
That the “apparently progressive activists and artistes” include people very much known for their grit and integrity and also daring engaged too long in struggles against injustice and inequity at great personal risks, quite unlike Ms. Ghosh, is another matter altogether.
Then she talks, rather fleetingly, of “a struggle against land acquisition” and the “victory (in that struggle which) was won several months ago”. No, not to warmly welcome the victory or the struggle, but only to belittle and deride it by implication.
She also talks of the “struggle” as being a “local conflict”.
It has two dimensions.
At one level, it cunningly negates the fact that the struggle was one of the peasants and other sections of the rural population against a proposed SEZ threatening to expropriate them of their lands, livelihoods and thereby dignity and lives. This is by no means a local phenomenon. It is being done under a national policy initiated lately by the Central government, propped up by the CPIM, against which the CPIM also routinely vituperates. Not only that, the struggle of Nandigram acted as an exemplar and fired up struggles all over the country in a spectacular fashion and thereby forced a rethink on the Central government, and just not make the state government beat a reluctant retreat. So this is clearly a case of dishonest and malafide deception.
At another, it is even more dangerous. Why “others” should involve in a “local conflict”? Whatever happens there, even if mass murder – or loot, rape or whatever, it is nobody else’s business. The implications are too disturbing. Does someone remember: “Workers of the world unite!”?
In the paragraph [3], she says, “Nandigram became the centre of a fierce dispute on rumours that the hub would be located there”. That’s just a big fat lie. Though the Party functionaries, even at the topmost level, had mouthed it to slander the resistance. The Chief Minister himself had to admit as much. (See.http://www.rediff.com/news/2007/mar/15nandi.htm )
It is a notification issued by the Haldia Development Authority (HDA) on January 2 2007 indicating the approximate size and location of the projected SEZ that triggered the turmoil. No, it was no “rumour”. It was, in fact, a sort of reconfirmation and further elaboration of another notification issued awhile earlier.
Her contention that “(w)hen the West Bengal government originally planned for a chemical industrial hub somewhere in the region of the Haldia petrochemical complex, Nandigram became the centre of a fierce dispute on rumours that the hub would be located there” is rather transparently self-contradictory and mendacious. She herself tells us that “the West Bengal government originally planned for a chemical industrial hub somewhere in the region of the Haldia petrochemical complex” and yet “that the hub would be located there (in Nandigram)” was a rumour. That’s clearly meant to deceive through plain and simple mendacity.
The description of the broad popular resistance is of course less than accurate, and in fact deliberately misleading, more so as this fact – the trigger for the resistance, remains misrepresented. Rather significantly, Singur has, however, been explicitly acknowledged as a major factor shaping popular reaction to the (unacknowledged) notification.
She has broached here the much touted topic of “the eviction from the area of other local people mostly associated with the ruling CPI(M), amounting to more than 3000 people who have been forced to live in uncertain conditions in makeshift refugee camps some distance away”.
There is not much point in challenging the figure of the displaced. Even the fact that the whole area after January 3 got divided between the two warring camps – anti-SEZ/chemical hub and pro-SEZ/chemical hub, leading to people from both the camps, though in clearly asymmetric proportions, getting displaced is of somewhat lesser significance.
The fact of people getting displaced must be explicitly acknowledged as unfortunate.
But then, we’ll also have to look into why it happened and why the situation remained so for the last ten months or so. We’ll come to that later as we go along.
Paragraphs [4] and [5] are very important. Unlike the run-of the-mill party appartich, she admits quite a few things here. The most important one is of course: “There is no question that a number of mistakes were made by the state government in this whole process, which had a dreadful outcome and did not even manage to ensure that the displaced people could return.” But what stops us from congratulating her for this act of admirable frankness is the casuistry that closely follows. But before coming to that we’d also like to point out that she has acknowledged here, even if not too explicitly, that the notification – she, it needs be noted, never mentions when it had been originally issued, was withdrawn only after, and not before, March 14. The “Government of West Bengal withdrew its “incorrect” notification and announced formally that it would not proceed with any plans for an industrial belt in that area” [after] “the struggle against land acquisition and for retention of the land by a section of the local people and their political allies was successful”.
Then comes the twist in the tale. “This is, incidentally, one of the few cases of any state government in India in recent times responding to local dissent in this manner, despite the protests in many other states with regard to land acquisition for Special Economic Zones.”
A heroic victory of the people against the massive brutalities of the state government, as exemplified by March 14, with more that a little help from the Kolkata High Court in the form of a prompt judicial directive on March 15 for a preliminary enquiry into the state-led blood bath launched on the previous day leading to forced withdrawal of the marauders in view of the impending visit of the CBI team on that very evening has been attempted to be turned on its head – as an act of rare responsiveness on the part of the state government! Almost like picturing the dethronement of the Tsar after the storming of the Winter Palace as an act of rare recant and voluntary abdication! Not for nothing, the CPIM and the government both viciously attacked the court for spoiling the game. There was absolutely no spirit of responsiveness. Even the three major allies played a role in causing the reluctant retreat
Here it must be categorically mentioned here that the decisive difference between March 14 and November 5 was the High Court directive of March 15. The radical segment supporting the struggle must take note of that.
And Nandigram just did not shake the state government; it fired up struggles all across the country and forced a rethink on the Central government as already mentioned above.
Where Singur failed, Nandigram succeeded. Evidently, the (imputed) graciousness of the state government is not the key. In fact, nowhere else in India struggle against land acquisition has met with so huge brutalities – not even in Kashipur or Kaliganagar.That tells us a lot about the character of the Party and the government led by it. (In fact, it gives us a chill in the spine when we consider that the Party here is, all said and done, running a coalition government and the Central government is led by its traditional challenger notwithstanding the temporary truce.)
Even in its tragic eventual crushing, Nandigram will forever remain a milestone in the annals of popular resistance in India against the predatory state promoting elitist “development” regardless of broader social and environmental impacts. (It is of course not to discount the possibility of its phoenix-like rise.)
The most major point made by the subsequent paragraphs is essentially the central point here and also for all other apologists of the CPIM and its unspeakable brutalities.
“Why the evicted were not allowed to go back?”
That actually leads us to another question: “Why they got evicted in the first place?”
They were evicted not because they were followers of the CPIM. They were evicted, or they themselves fled, because they were, for good reasons, seen as the accomplices of the predatory state, and their immediate principal agent Laxman Sheth – the Chairman of the HDA and MP from the adjoining constituency widely known as a strongman, out to grab their lands and rid them of their livelihoods. The example of Singur before them rather conclusively established that nothing short of physically overpowering the state is going to deter it. That’s obviously a tall order and a serious business – by no means a banquet or a work of embroidery. The way the people of Nandigram cut themselves off from the outer world after January 3, reflected this grim realisation and determination in ample measure.
Then came March 14. A huge armed assault by the state police to crush the resistance. A lot of blood flowed. But the resistance survived. The evictees not only remained on the other side of the divide, they, at least some of them, did actively participate in the armed assault.
And only after March 14, under public pressure and the three major allies, a categorical assurance was given that there would be no chemical hub in Nandigram.
But by then things have got pretty much complicated.
In spite of occasional contrary noises no compensations or help were provided to the victims of March 14 violence. Nor was there any credible enquiry instituted. In fact the High Court was highly derided for ordering a preliminary CBI enquiry.
Be that as it may, any reconciliation would have called for these two actions as the minimum preconditions. The government doggedly refused. (The High Court, in a much belated judgement on November 16, has issued a severe stricture against the police atrocities on March 14 and ordered a full-scale CBI enquiry.)
The CPIM/government also actively and openly sabotaged all attempts at any meaningful dialogue. It had once been initiated by Jyoti Basu. He had even a meet with Mamata Banerjee. The follow up actions were just not taken. Then, by Ashok Ghosh – a very senior leader from the Forward Bloc. He also met her. But open non-cooperation from the CPIM killed this effort.
That pretty much explains why the evictees, the perceived blackguards, could not get back.
The claims made by the CPIM as regards their peaceable intentions are nothing more or nothing less than mere hoax. The claim that “numerous attempts were made by the state government to find a political solution by trying to engage with the parties” is just not true. Only local level meetings were offered without any assurance of relief, rehabilitation, compensation or any credible enqury into the violence of March 14.
In between, Brinda Karat had screamed US/imperialist conspiracy. This time, the final signal came from her on November 4, in a public meet, from by the side of the Chief Minister, “Dumdum Dawai Ditey Hobey” (“mob violence will have to be employed”). The following morning came the avalanche of armed hired mercenaries with the police deliberately looking the other way with all accesses to the area blocked for the media and social/political activists for more than a week.
“The continuing [low-level] violence of the last six months received very little attention in the media” (para [10]). That’s just not correct. One, however, cannot expect as much attention for daily road accidents as in case of a war. Moreover, all attempts at peace, which led to the two initiatives mentioned above, were effectively scuttled by the Party and government as already made out. A senior RSP leader has publicly declared that the decisions taken in the March 17 Left Front meeting (see http://www.thehindubusinessline.com/bline/2007/03/18/stories/2007031803870100.htm and <http://in.news.yahoo.com/070317/43/6dfd4.html>), held at the demand of the allies, were scandalously flouted and no honest attempt at reconciliation was made by the government. He said as much that his party thereby finds itself “deceived”.
The charge of social activists not visiting the Khejuri camp is also pretty much specious. These were, at least there were, armed people enjoying state patronage murderously hostile to anyone sympathising with the resistance.
The tirade against the Governor (para [14]) for taking a courageous stand is just on the expected lines and merits no comments.
The observation, in the para [11] that “Medha Patkar of the Narmada Bachao Andolan has announced that the struggle of the people of Narmada and the people of Nandigram are the same, and has likened conditions in West Bengal to those in Gujarat under Narendra Modi during the post-Godhra riots. Both of these extraordinary statements betray a poor understanding of her own movement in the Narmada region as well as of the pogrom in Gujarat, and damage her own credibility” would have just evoked laughter had the situation been not so grim.
Even then, the parallel with Gujarat, in terms of the methodology – not the agenda, is only too obvious. Of course the territorial spread and consequently extent of damages in terms of life and property in Gujarat was far larger. But the intensity of armed violence employed and the brazenness of the state government in the face of widespread public criticism in Nandigram have even surpassed Gujarat.
In fact, the public comment by the Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharya that “they have been paid back in their coin” in frank defence of more than a week long massive armed operations by a private militia and the state turning a blind eye to it has much gone beyond even Modi’s much berated, and quite justifiably so, comment that “every action has a reaction!”
And the thread of continuity between Narmada and Nandigram is obviously broadbased popular struggle against the all-mighty state out to brutally snatch away their lands and means of livelihood regardless of social and environmental costs and the impacts on the lives of the marginalized in particular in the name of mega “development”.
In conclusion, we must add that even at this stage if the CPIM wants to restore its credibility as a Left party it must immediately halt violence against its opponents. It must also immediately take initiative in forming an inclusive people’s committee including all stakeholders – representatives of all the political parties and also non-party organisations involved in the struggle, to monitor and oversee providing of relief, rehabilitation and compensation to all the affected without any discrimination. A credible public enquiry must also be instituted into the whole shameful episode and the guilty from all the sides must be brought to book including state functionaries regardless of levels.
Even in Gujarat a judicial commission headed by a Supreme Court judge is functioning.
That’s the only way West Bengal can set itself apart from Gujarat, not through diatribes by the Party loyalists.
Sukla Sen 20.11.2007
On Nandigram By Jayati Ghosh
[1]
The current events in Nandigram in West Bengal give rise to many emotions, but one of them is surely a sense of shock at the cynicism and irresponsibility of some apparently progressive activists and artistes. What is also shocking is how the local conflict – which continues to lead to tragic loss of life – is still being portrayed as a struggle against land acquisition, when that particular victory was won several months ago.
[2]
Because the media reportage relating to Nandigram over the past few months has been so misleading, it is easy to be confused about the situation on the ground and the nature of the demands of local groups that have given rise to the continuing conflict. So it is worth recapitulating briefly the unfortunate sequence of events.
[3]
When the West Bengal government originally planned for a chemical industrial hub somewhere in the region of the Haldia petrochemical complex, Nandigram became the centre of a fierce dispute on rumours that the hub would be located there. A series of missteps by the state government and its representatives, as well as concerns among the peasantry created by the wide adverse publicity from the land acquisition at Singur, led to a situation where violence broke out in protest at possible land acquisition in Nandigram. This violence, involving not only local people but also the main opposition party (the Trinamul Congress) and some Naxalite groups, led to the eviction from the area of other local people mostly associated with the ruling CPI(M), amounting to more than 3000 people who have been forced to live in uncertain conditions in makeshift refugee camps some distance away.
[4]
It was the effort by the state government to bring these people back to their homes that led to the tragic and deplorable incident in mid-March, involving an incident of police firing which killed several people. There is no question that a number of mistakes were made by the state government in this whole process, which had a dreadful outcome and did not even manage to ensure that the displaced people could return. However, the state government also reconsidered its earlier plan and in effect abandoned the idea of locating a chemical hub in Nandigram.
[5]
So the struggle against land acquisition and for retention of the land by a section of the local people and their political allies was successful – the Government of West Bengal withdrew its “incorrect” notification and announced formally that it would not proceed with any plans for an industrial belt in that area. This is, incidentally, one of the few cases of any state government in India in recent times responding to local dissent in this manner, despite the protests in many other states with regard to land acquisition for Special Economic Zones.
[6]
It has been clear for several months now that no land will be acquired in Nandigram, by the West Bengal government or anyone else, for the proposed chemical hub. And therefore there will be no displacement of those who currently occupy or work on the land.
[7]
Nevertheless, and remarkably, the “struggle” in Nandigram continued, and the flames of violence continued to be fanned by those whose aim was not so much the interests of the local people but a broader destabilisation of the state government. It is evident to anyone who has cared to inquire into the situation since March that the “protest” in the area, led by some political groups, has continued even after all the demands of the original struggle were met. The area has been kept in a state of turmoil and those poor peasants and rural labour families who were displaced at the start of the year during the land acquisition protest have not been allowed to return to their homes, but forced to stay in refugee camps.
[8]
Roads leading in and out of the “liberated area” have been blocked and armed groups have patrolled and controlled the area. The state administration has been effectively kept out, along with the displaced local people, to the extent that even basic health services and polio immunisation could not be provided. Development work was at a standstill. Sporadic violence has continued with periodic loss of life, creating a completely untenable situation in the area.
[9]
Obviously, things could not continue in this way, and numerous attempts were made by the state government to find a political solution by trying to engage with the parties responsible. However, all these attempts were rebuffed, and the reasons why are now fairly clear. The most recent violence has come about as the displaced peasants and workers have once more sought to return to their homes and the state administration has sought to bring the area once more under the control of the authorities.
[10]
The continuing violence of the last six months received very little attention in the media, but the recent clashes have been in the full glare of publicity, with massive outcry from some prominent activists and politicians. The behaviour of the opposition party and its leader Mamata Banerjee may come as no surprise, given her past record. What is surprising, however, is the way that some “progressive” activists have responded to the latest events.
[11]
Thus, Medha Patkar of the Narmada Bachao Andolan has announced that the struggle of the people of Narmada and the people of Nandigram are the same, and has likened conditions in West Bengal to those in Gujarat under Narendra Modi during the post-Godhra riots. Both of these extraordinary statements betray a poor understanding of her own movement in the Narmada region as well as of the pogrom in Gujarat, and damage her own credibility.
[12]
The activities of the NBA in the Narmada Valley have essentially related to three demands: ensuring that submergence is at the minimum, lowering the height of the proposed dams to minimise displacement and securing adequate compensation and rehabilitation for the displaced people. It should be fairly obvious to anyone that none of these demands is at all relevant in Nandigram since there is now to be no land acquisition and therefore no displacement.
[13]
So then what exactly are the demands of the protest in Nandigram? They seem to be that those who were evicted from the Nandigram area from January onwards are not to be allowed to return, and that the state government is not to be allowed to function in that area, even for the provision of basic public services. Extraordinary as it sounds, these are the demands which are being implicitly supported by the activists and artistes who are now decrying the actions of the state government.
[14]
It is even more bizarre to see the Governor of West Bengal, a gentleman who surely should know better, behaving in what can only be seen as a blatantly partisan manner, condemning violence of one side but not the other. Indeed, he appears to have played up and aggravated a situation which was actually close to settlement amongst the local people involved.
[15]
What is most tragic of all is that the local people who are actually suffering through all this, through enforced evictions, violence and killing, may not even know that their interests are not the issue, and they are no more than the tools of a cynical and manipulative political plan.
KAFILA - COLLECTIVE EXPLORATIONS SINCE 2006 
I have read with utmost interest Ms Jayati Ghosh’s recent writing on Nandigram and its reply by Ms Sukla Sen and found these ladies firm and adamant with their respective opinions.
While Ms Ghosh sounds like a mouthpiece of CPIM, Ms Sen’s revulsion for the communists is very evident. These two ladies are not likely to yield even a small shift from their respective positions.
I have been living outside India for more than forty years, but my love and concern for the welfare of West Bengal is, perhaps, not ignorable. Because of the available internet facility in my retired life, I can and do read daily at least four Bengali and two English newspapers from Calcutta to keep myself well-informed of the latest developments over there. However, a fair and impartial political reportage from Indian news media is indeed a rare occurrence.
My questions to Jayati Ghosh:
After the terrible incident of firing on the March 14, the West Bengal Government totally lost control of law and order in Nandigram; right then, without delaying for even a single day, the Government should have called the CRPF to take over the disturbed area. Why the Government did not do so? Is it not the biggest mistake on its part?
Even some constituents of the Left Front like RSP and FB have publicly opposed the ‘Nandigram Policy’ of the Government since CPIM has never consulted them in the processes of formulation of the Policy and its application. How and why CPIM could ignore these constituents who are expected to be equal partners (not subordinates) of the Left Front? This very much hurts my heart at the soft corner for the Left Front!
And for Sukla Sen:
Well before March 14, W B Government declared repeatedly that it had abandoned its plan for SEZ at Nandigram. Even after that, anti-government agitations by BUPC, Trinamul Congress, SUC and others continued, trenches were dug on the main road, big trees are cut down and used as barricades on the roads, supporters of CPIM were pushed out of their homes to relief camps and, above all, police and government officials are not allowed to enter in the area to carry out their jobs. How can anyone with an unbiased and impartial mind justify these utter misdeeds?
And, after March 14, all fair minded people in the country denounced the WB Government for its terrible act of firing and expressed their full support for the cause of the movement. As it stood then, the Government side was utterly discredited and BUPC and its supporters were considered winners. In spite of that why did BUPC continue its agitation in Nandigram and force a few thousands of CPIM supporters out of their homes there to relief camps in Khejuri?
These are just a few basic questions to answer; in my mind, I have a number of further issues to raise to both Ms Ghosh and Ms Sen. But, I am not sure if it would serve any purpose under the current tense environment.
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Dear Mr Paul,
Just a minor correction: Sukla Sen is not a ‘lady’ to the best of my knowledge…cheers
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Sashon
Ar kato jibon dhore balloon orabo balo
anek to gram holo
anek pukur
anek ajana lash dekhe bolle ora amader
anek kabor khunre jake marle
bole uthle o amari bhai
smashanke sahor bolle agunke bolle ashyamedh
amra to sabder chashi
amra bhoy pai
akashe orai ghuri, duhate latai
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Bhasha
ami to sarod koha bolte chai, ami to emon
bukmochor die othe, choto choto gram dekhi, kondike pichobe aj
janena, kondike thik chashabad shuru hobe manobjomine
ami to bhairobi likhte chai tobu anguler proti abiswas
amake kalketufande tene nie jay
meghmollarer moto o ki o dipok tumi kake marcho, kake!
amar dukhyer kono pap nei, amar hingsar chokhe jol
ami aj nishad, chanchol….
diganto charkhar kore akolyanshanti sue thake
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Mahamichil
Amar payer niche mati aj bohudin por
amar duhat chue ache aj manobbondhan
amar swadhin chokh jure urche egolakhyor
amar rastay aj protisodh, amari sashon
amar bishad khub nichu konthe bukpockete rakha
amar durbol deho bulletproof hridoyer pashe
amar boyes theke chute jachche kishor rakhal
amari rakter chinho pore ache pure jaoa ghashe
amar khondito deho, amar dhorshito jonipoth
amar purushlingo amari mayer hatyakari
amar golay aj judhyakhetro, nirjon sapoth
amar vashay shit, nirjonota, acharipichari
amar sishur mukh duhate nijei dhore achi
amar michil dakho, amarin mncher kachakachi
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Protihingsha
Gopon camera tumi lakhya rakho, jekono samaye
amio camera hoye jete pari
maronkathi amar tomar
ake aporer bhasha, gumot, niswash rudhyo hoe ase tar
tai se horinlaf, pichone bonduk sabdo,digonte algoche dhoa, aro mrityubhoy…
Gopon camera, tumi lakhyo rakho, jekono samoy
je chokhe samosto sabdo theme gache
se chokheo bajrapat hoy
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SAMOSTO TATYIK EBONG RAJNAITIK DYICHARI MANUSHGULO MANUSHER SANGRAM THEKE BERIE TATYIK CHONDIMONDOPIO BITORKE LIPTO
ER FOLE KHYOMOTAKATHAMORI HAT SHAKTO HOY
DOYA KORE BAMPONTHI MANUSHJON CPM ER KHOLOSH CHERE MANUSHER PASHE BAMPONTHI LORAI GORE TULUN
INTENSIVE CARE UNIT E TO ANEKDIN HOLO
EI BUDHYIJIBITAR MANE KI?
NA APNARA SRISHTI KORTE PAREN, NA PAREN NIJER SWADHIN BHABNA GORE TULTE
PLEASE BUJHUN EKTU JARA LORAI KORE, MORE,TARA AMI APNI NA
MATH E NAMUN
NOY OBHYESHER JIBON KATAN
TATYIK TATYOCHORCHAR EI MISHTI MISHTI BITORKER SANGE KHYOMOTAKATHAMOR BIRUDHYE LORAI SAMPORKOHIN
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Mr Nigam:
Sorry, my mistake – although Sukla is usualy a girl’s name for Bengalis! Thanks, Mrinal Paul.
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Ami spasta mone kori ei dhoroner tarkobitorke giye lav nei. ke Prabhat patnayak? Ke Jayati Ghosh? Even ke Noam Chomsky? morche sadharon manush. Marche sadharon manush. ar eta kono tarker bishoyi noy je CPM akhon fascist. CPM konokale rvolutionary bhumika palon koreni. akhono korchena. Poschimbonga aj akranto. Bisesh arthanaitik biswaito totha durbityaito arthanitir janyo sara varot affected hobe. Pasco tar udhahoron. akhono jodi amra hat ar mon gutie bose thaki tahole achirei amader nyunotomo ganatantrik adhikartukuo jabe. Tai darkar ak bikolpo bam aikyo. patnayekder moto lokeder nijoswo kono kotha nei. karon era com er darshan kei protifolito kore. eder nijoswo darshanbodh nei. era rastrojontrer ar party’r akta machine er angsho chara ar kichu na.
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Sakoler proti,
Ami spasta mone kori ei dhoroner tarkobitorke giye lav nei. ke Prabhat patnayak? Ke Jayati Ghosh? Even ke Noam Chomsky? morche sadharon manush. Marche sadharon manush. ar eta kono tarker bishoyi noy je CPM akhon fascist. CPM konokale rvolutionary bhumika palon koreni. akhono korchena. Poschimbonga aj akranto. Bisesh arthanaitik biswaito totha durbityaito arthanitir janyo sara varot affected hobe. Pasco tar udhahoron. akhono jodi amra hat ar mon gutie bose thaki tahole achirei amader nyunotomo ganatantrik adhikartukuo jabe. Tai darkar ak bikolpo bam aikyo. patnayekder moto lokeder nijoswo kono kotha nei. karon era com er darshan kei protifolito kore. eder nijoswo darshanbodh nei. era rastrojontrer ar party’r akta machine er angsho chara ar kichu na.
Kothata holo, bohujatik o biswaito je arthanitir dyara evabe bharotbarsha lanchito hochche, ta anek aage theke sara biswei chorie porechilo ebong amader deshe er bij 91 e gatt chuktite. bigoto 15 bochor dhore ei arthanitir bajar tairir janyo ak culture gore tola hoeche. amra tatodino chup kore chilam kano? CPM je akta mass party chara kichu na ta to amader ajana noy. Tevaga Telengana andoloner samay ei eta spasta hoe gechilo. Ja porechi itihase, ta theke eta amar kache notun kichu na je CPM ganoandolon korbe tatokhyoni jatokhyon tader nijeder subidha prapto hobena. Nakshal andoloner samaye Baranogore je hoyakando hoechilo tar day juktofronter jekhane cpm hat miliechilo congress er sange.
Ei arthanitir birodhita cpm sei jaygatei korche jekhane cpm sashoker bhumikay nei. tumul contradiction. Posco nie ba Kolingonagor nie CPM er bhumika bismoykor o bibhrantikor abar etao thik je akhon tara kolingonagor nie khub akta kotha bolchena. Rashtroshoktio swavabotoi cpm er pokhye. e hano abosthay jodi amader rajyer dike takai, aj taposi maliker hatyar ak bochor por, eta spashta je cpm er fascibadi choritro nie kono tarko ba rajnaitik kutkachalir mane nei. jara baire achen, tara e nie baidyutin madhyom gulite bitorkor jhor tulte paren, kintu ta akhere kono foloprodayi na. Jamon chomsky-o ekhane gurutyopurna na. CPM je tnat kothar akta angsho byabohar kore tnake nijeder dike tanbe eta to swavabik. Fascist doler kaji holo mithyacharer madhyome nijeder justify kora. ei arthaniti ke establish korte trinomul ba bjp -o aki kaj korto.
Tar sange roeche anyanyo bam olgulir modhye samanyo kichu bishoy nie aikyo bodhyo hote na parar jantrana. ami anurodh korbo CPM bade sob koti bam doler kache tnara aikyobodhyo hon. ami anurodh korbo bikolpo arthanaitik bhabnar kotha bhabun. e prosonge je samasto arthaniti bidera achen, jamon Ajit Chowdhury etc, tnara chup kano? amra jodi bikolpo arthanitir kotha na boli tahole amader ganatantrik andolon kebol andoloni thakbe.
Khyomota kathamor birudhye loraier janyo amar tinti prostab:
1. Bikolpo bam aikyo
2. Bikolpo madhyom
3. Bikolpo sanskritik lorai
er janyo ak dirghasthai bhabna o bhabnake kaje laganor padakhyep immediate grahon kora uchit bole amar dharona.
CPM je fascist tar proman Nandigram. Tar proman kanthorodh. Tar proman kromagoto mithyachar.
ke je Joyati Ghosh ar ke je prabhat pATNAYEK! amra eder adhik gurutya debo kano! eder cheye besi gurutyopurna sadharon manush, jara akhono hal chareni.
Hindol Bhattacharjee
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Bangaly likhlam
Nandigram, Jayati Ghosh-pP-Sukla sen
KICHU BHABNA: APNADER MOTAMOT PRARTHONIO
Unnayan prosonge Budhyadeb babur je bibriti chilo, sekhan thekei kotha sutru kora jay. CPM ba jekono communist party’r democratic centralism er karone amra e kotha bhalobhabei jani je byakti sekhane je kotha bolben ta part’r-i ak protidhyoni matro. E khetre Brinda karater Dumdum daoai er kotha samporkeo bola chole tini asole cpm er darshankei tule dhorechen matro. 14 Marche Nandigram er ghotona CPM er sanghothito santraser ak rup boi anyokichu na. Bohujatik athoba biswaito arthonitir ak sanskritike bhartiyo rashtro jantro tairi koreche bohudin dhore. Magoje curfew bolte ja bojhay tai kore tulchilo ekhne. Jari hoechilo ak churanto shitkal. Saityoi chilo ei shitkaler baishishtyo. Dhire dhire amon ak bhogkami bhabnabihin obhyaser jogot tairi hochchilo je tathakothito smashan ke mone hoechilo amader shantir jogot.
E hano abosthay darie singur ebong Nandigrame elo ashoni sanket. CPM tathakothito bhabe krishi amader vitti bolleo durbityaito arthanitir kache amon bhabei nijeder bikie dieche ei bharoter akti mass party hisebe , rashtrojontrer hat shakto korar janyo, je unnayoner anyo kono sangar kotha ba bhabnar kotha era suntei chaini. Manusher bhumi jor kore kere tate shilpo tairi korar ei je fascibadi prokriya, ta akdhoroner ancholik samrajyobad. Ei ancholik samrajyobader prasangoti elo ei karone je eti dubhabe sanghotitho hoy. Ak, adhigrahon prkriyar madhyome ebong dui, sei adhigrahan prokriyar janyo ak nagorik janomotamot tairir madhyome. Karon jekono jaygatei, jekono shilpo hok na kano, tar bajarer target audience kintu amader desher sahorancholer modhyobitto kretara.
Unnayon prasonge ei kajti amader protiisthito bam front khub suchotur bhabe media manufacturing er madhyome korte pray 100% safol holeo 30 bochorer sashoner upochyaya theke tara berote na parar janyo nijeder sashok poshak theke nijera berote pareni. Ekotha bolle anyay hobe je CPM er jaygay anyo kono rajnaitik dol ele ki ei arthanaitik nitigulir birudhye lorai shuru hoe jabe? Na ta noy. Karon je arthanaitik o sanskritik bajarer birudhye amra anek deri kore kotha bolte shuru korlam, tar vitti anek agei sthapito hoe giechilo ebong trinomul, bjp ba anyanyo sangsadio dolguli ei rthanaitik nitir birodhi na.
Bhumi adhigrahoner khetre CPM je Busher motoi ba samrajyobadider motoi bhumika palon koreche e kotha mr chomsky janena bodhoy. Public mind ke manufacture kora samporke uni ja likhechen, take anusaron korle amra dekhte parbo, uni samrajyobadi arthanitir agrasoner je rastar kotha bolechen, ta anusaron korche CPM ebong ta tnari vashay bolte gele samrajyobader ancholik sanskoron.
14 March je ghotona ghoteche ta ei ancholik fascibadi samrajyobader birudhye manusher nijobhumike banchanor lorai. Sei lorai e kono bohujatik company’r athanaitik nitir kache bikie deoa massparty tatha rastro kano sajhyo korbe! Tai cpm samarthakera policer chdyobeshe , arthat sangsadio akti dol rastrojantrer hatiar hoe manusher upor guli chalay. Dharshaon kore. Ebong tar birudhye nagorik samajer andolon dhire dhire tairi hote thake ebong ta churanto rup nay jakhon novembere pray ghoshona kore ar kono chadyobesh na nie cpm cadre bahini akraman kore , hatya lunthon, agnisangjog kore nandigram elakay. Ei je fascibadi rupti CPM er prakash pay ta je kono rashtrio doler kach thekei aste parto jodi tara khyomotay thakto.
Tar mane ei noy je ami bolchi CPM fascist na. ami bolchi fascism asole ei rashtra jontreri modhye ache ebong amra jara egulir birudhye lorai korchi amader uchit ak fascist dolke dhyongsho korar pashapashi akti arthanaitik discourse gore tola ebong tar implementation, jar abhabe amra kakhonoi parbona anyo unnyaner hodish dakhate.
CPM ke ba bartaman sangsadio ganatantrer sudhyi ghotanorchesta kore lav nei. Je nagorik samj jege uthche tate bohujatik arthanitir birudhye janomatamot tairi howa janon joruri, tamoni joruri, fascibader birudhye, CPm er santraser birudhye ak palta bam shakti gore tola. E janyo amadero byabohar korte hobe manufaturing of public mind. Janomanoser modhye santras er birudhye protibadtike nirmner pashapshi palta arthaniti ebong palta sanskriti na gore tulle ei swatasfurto bikhyov andolone dana bandhbena.
Shatru ekhane CPM, ratsthro ebong samrajyobadi arthaniti. Tai tar birudhye lorai bohumukhi ar bohustorio na hole nagorik samajer bhumika ar kothay roilo. Kebolmatro santras na, santraser pichoner aitihasik karongulikei nirmul kora prayojon ebong setai amaderbirodhi shakti, jeke thik dakha jachchena sahaj saral chokhe.
Chomsky ebong anyanyo bidyodjonnera ki sunchen? Chomsky na sunleo kichu ese jayna, kintu amader desher biddojonera ki sunchen? Eibar andolon ke akriti deoar samay eseche mone hoy. Apnader motamot prarthonio.
Sesh kotha ekti Protikriyashil, Bam rajnitir name samrajyobadi arthanitike mol deoa sangsadio mass party jara nijeder communist bole prochar kore tader birudhye abhyuthyan mane ta a-rajniti etao ki akdhoroner fascist approach noy?
Hindol Bhattacharjee
9830751535
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RATRIR BISHAD SINDHU
Hindol Bhattacharjee
Akhon
Amar samosto rat jege thake
Amar samosto rat shit
Thatta tamashar rong mekhe
Aka firchi, jano buro bhanr
Konodin fereni sombit
Ak chokh ashru ar anyo
Chokhe nei pakhir khyomota
Hat pa thorthor kore kampe
Kathatei atke gache katha
Amar samosto rat jage
Amar samosto shit pa’ye
Buro bhanr agun pohay
Sindure megher rong lage
NIOTI
Ei naiswabdo theke katodin pore mukti pabo?
Daridro ki table’er uporei katakuti khala!
Kobe gan gaite parbo, ma ke dakbo fulgacher mato…
Sudhu ki rakter chinho lege thakbe amar du’hate?
Sudhu ki mithyer galpo bolbo ami sarata jibon!
Jodi dorja bandho hoye jay umi dakbena amay!
Ei naiswabdo theke katodin baki acho tumi?
Aswasti
Amar sadhyer baire hente gache amar sadhona…
E sahor baro beshi kuashay dhaka
Samanyo koakta sinri perote giyeo
Akhon dhukpuk kore samosto sorir
Angul jorie jay andhakare, andher vashay
Vabi ei oparei ache sei sobuj pukur
Amar sadhyer baire e sahor, bujhteo parina
Kothay deoal ar kara sei deoal perote
Nijer sorir theke laf die ajo bhashoman
Amar sadhyer baire ami aj akpao dakho
Felte parchina
Ganohatyar por
Akash tomar dike tathagato chokh
Amar du’hate anka
Shitkaler parar vitor
Suni rasta hente jachche
Uralpuler niche
Janina kibhabe ora benche ache
Kufa nagorir dike egiye eseche aj ejidbahini
Satengabarir moto oi dakho jolche prem
Tobu tar smito hasi
Amar nirob madhukori
Abak rakter rekha
Akhono biswas korte parchena ei khyatomukh
Ahoto mathar pashe pora pora chinha gaye
Bujhte parchena kara bam
Karai ba budhyer chokh
Akasher dike prarthonay
Mukh buje ache bohudin
Chaya nei , ache khyora, andhakar mrito ambulance
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Shirshanamhin
Hindol Bhattacharjee
1.
Samanyo shiter pay’e humri khachche amar jibon
Aj kono dik nei, doshdikei sudhu raktopat
Amon asahay bhasha,anekdin tomay dekhini
Je shit keteche tar dashokorma bhumikar majhe
E kon bhumike ami bohon korchi aj!
E kon bhumika balo…ak hat agune pora, anyohat khuble khachche
Pragoitihashik dana mele deoa baj!
2.
Aha ki kusum chilo balo oikhane
Amar palok ami fele eschi sahosi akashe
Je mati khunrecho tumi sekhaneo pap amar dirghasutri royeche akaki
Hingshay premer bij je dekheche tar moto ghure ghure rakhalbhumika
Amar galona, aj bhebe dekhi e sahor katota amar!
Ajo raktopat hoy tomar amar
3.
kichui bolini ami, tobu ak bhoyer bhitor
kete jachche din, rat, shitkaler sandhyay mrityu sabdo kore sunyotar kache
dirghaniswaser gaye dhele dichche amar sannyas
kanna, tumi eibala theme jao
bhasha, jao aswamedh suru holo bole….
jara e prabas, tara ghumie poreche aj tomar anchole
4.
garto theke ga banchie kotodin…kotodin…rasta hoe thaka jay balo
je jhampie porbe tar mukh dekhe bola ki sambhob
hasi na bishad tar nam!
Hoyto kothao nei sei bish ja amari khad
Hoyto agun sobi nibhe jete jane
Akasher dike mrito chokh tule jege thake fand
5.
sabi sushe nao tumi, k bindu jano aj matite na pore
sampurno mukher kache amar samosto aj barie diechi
mather hridoy khule dhele debo amar swasmul
dhore rakho…rakho…
bonduk tomar bhasha chay
chitke chitke guli lage gaye…
6.
athocho tomar mukh chilo antorik sannasi
abiswasyo chaka, tumi nijeke sarao
math khuble khuble aj uthe asche je koti konkal
math khuble khuble aj vese jachche je dirghaniswas
oder kothao nei ghor
santona mithye kichu sajay akhyor
7.
agun jyamiti ar mati nie kotha holo khub
bhenge galo asambhab nam lekha purono deoal
bhenge galo je panchil, tar pashe kichui thaklona
amar ghumer din chinre chinre tomrao akhon
chole jete chao jodi jao
je jhorer modhye die hente ele, tar aj thikana pathao
8.
jani se tomar jawr, jani se apor kono hasite matal
hatirao neme asbe ebochor samay holei
sorirer jol theke jibon aj neme jabe tomar kotore
sei to agun theke tukro hote hote vese jabe
sei to ghumonto gham gandho hoe thakbe sorir
kuor smritir modhye ganahatya ajo to asthir
9.
amake sobai khub barolok bhabe
rasta par hoe jete prithibite esechi jakhon
durghatana hobe ta to jani
amake sabai bhabe dukhyo nei, sukhi nirjonota
angul kempeche sudhu, bolechi evabe noy, sono
amar janmoi hoyni ekhane kakhono
10.
tar dikbidikhin chokh theke dekhi nijekei
se kothao nei
dharmo ar abarito sashyokhet theke
se aj chimnir dhoa, se aj matir rakte mlan
ami tar dikbidik chokh theke dekhechi tar snan
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Ratrir Bishadsindhu
Hindol Bhattacharjee
Haspatal
Bhanga bhashay kotha bolar paashe
Royeche hasi, tari bhitor churi
Pake ebong chakre dhnadha laage
Bisher ghore ghurte thake matha
Kalpona noy, satyi ami kothao
Matha gonjar suluk pachchina
Joler dhare samay kete jachche
Galpo suni, mathay chorey demak
Amonki nei katha bolar maane
Gondi kete hapiey jai nijei
Moshal moshal khalar mombatir
Din furolo, jibonmoron prashne
Shilalipi
Jakhon kichu nei, takhono kichu thake
Jamon postcard, thikana nei
Angul chap dao, jibon kakhonoi
Anyo keu ar hotei debena
Sobi to khule fala, sobi to harmash
E ghum bhangbena e ghum jawr
Akhon fulkite chorie porcho je
Kakhono hebecho ki hasyokor?
Shanti matha tolo, hiseb korona he
Rasta keu keu bhuleo jay
Barong chup kore sapludor pashe
Dakho ke uthe galo, dakho ke chok!
Chaddor mora ak sahor protibeshi
Unune dhuke jao, porao chokh
Dukhyo pele keu evabe bolena go….
Pathor hoe jay, panjorhin
Je rate aka aka kuasha sambol
Se rate aj dakho arondhon
Pakhir chetonay adim dhora pore
Hajar bochorer shantihin
Apoman
Vese ase purono banglar
SHirno ghat, adiganto sashyer sobuj chador
Aj akash baro beshi kalo
Ei modhyorater station’e
Kamon royecho?
-benche achi, motamuti bhalo!
Majhi
Chokhe chokh rakhar bhasha jantamna to amio kakhono
Akhon mukh to tobu futeche, amar, aj
Chokh kholo, bhoye bandho koron omon
Katha balo…katha…
Andhakar mane akta ajana rastay tumi, ami
Kibhabe bhabte hoy bhule gechi…pray…ajibon…
Ebar nongor tolo, joar eseche
Mohonar kache ese pal gutiona
Kabor
Mukhe rakto tule sob chute galo timirshibire
Circus jhampie porlo, haoa ghurlo kothao kothao
Ki tumul jhor likhlo balo ki moshal holo mukh
Matha to du’fank, tobu chokh du’to akhono khola ache
Barong nibhie dao, sahoj lanthon hok bukchapa agun
Sorir upur hoe chue jak shit lekha nagorkirton
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Nandigram— ak udahoron, tathakothito unnayoner darshaner birudhye lorai
Hindol Bhattacharjee
Samasyati aj tairi hoyni. Bolte para jay je samasyati aj tar rup porigraho koreche matro. Nandigrame bigoto 14 march theke aj parjanto ja ja ghotona ghoteche tar dayvar kichuta amadero. Bohu bochor age Hindu Musalman prabondhe rabindranath thakur je mantobyoguli korechilen ta pronidhnjogyo. Er sange ami jukto korte chai amader nijeder akhyomotar kotha. Amra akhono parjanto nijederi sradhya korte sikhini. Kakhono amra krishokke upojukto sradhyar ason dite parini. Amra-ora bibhajonti kebolmatro cpm samarthak budhyijibi ebong cpm birodhi budhyijibi der modhye ta to noy. Ei bibhajonti saabsamoye chilo amader tathakothito samajer modhye. Ammra Chashibhai ble sambodhonkortam. Kono na kono jaygay amra alada anubhob kortam krishokder sange. Akhono sei bibhajonti akdom chole gaache ta akdomi na. sutorang krishok sreni ba sramik sreni to durer kotha, amra kakhono sei prapyo sanman tio dite parini krishokder.
Diner pordin, tevaga telengana andoloner samoye CPM er protikriyashil bhumika sateo CPm kei amra mone korechi bamponthi shakti. Tnara janoganotantrik biplober nam kore amader nie gache vote bakso namok sangsadio jantrik byabosthar modhye. Tara Baranagare Nakshal ponthider domoner name congress er sange jugmo bhabe namieche santras. Ak rate hatya koreche tinshoro besi torun ke.
’91 er por jakhon ei Manmohon singhera jakhon Gatt –dunkkle chuktite soi kore bharotbarshake patent law er aaotay pray bikie die dhire dhire gore tullo ekti ponyobaajarer sanskriti takhono amra chup kore chilam. Amader kakhono mone hoyni je eisob chup kore thaka gulo ak na akdin boomerang hoe jete paare. Ak na akdin amaderi upor bhyonkor santras hisebe neme aste pare. Amra asole parokhyoke dekhe pratyokhyoke anudhabon kore uthte parina.
Ei byarthatar itihaser prekhyapote mathay niei bibhinno ghotonay cpm er santras ebong tader fascibadi manosikotar prakash ghoteche jakhon takhon amader mone hoyni je nagorik samaj gore er birudhye andolon gore tuli. Choto angaria, bantola probhiti nana ghotona ghoteche. Sikhya theke sanskriti samosto jaygay CPM dhire dhire gore tuleche ak fascibadi kathamo. Kintu amader shantipriyo budhyir jogotbilasita amader kono podokhyep gore tulte badha dieche. Amra apekhya kore chilam erokom kono pratyokhyo ghotonar , janoba churanto ghotonar abhighat na pele amra kono kothai bole uthte parbona.
Sashokdol takhonoi fascist hoe othe jakhon tara jane je jara protibad korche ebong jara korchena tader nijeder modhyeo kono atmobiswastota nei. Sradhya nei kono. Sei sujogkei sashokdol byabohar kore kono ak churanto rastranaitik sidhyanto grahoner khetre. Tai chemical hub athoba sez sankranto byapare sashokdol jakhon sidhyanto nay takhon ta apna thekei jonogoner sidhyanto hoe jay karon sashokdol jane jonogoner motamot bolte kichui nei.
Sukher bishoy, anek raktokhyoer madhyome amra sakhyom hoechi ei abosthyar poribortoner. Er janyo nandigramer manushder jomi na deoar janyo pray ak bochor dhore lorai, dharshan, khun, agnisangjog satteo, andolon chalie jabar nei akhra monobhab ati gurutyopurna, nandigram janoba sei bibeker kaj koreche je bibek amader amader nijeder kache firie day. Andolon, andolonhinota, samajik saityo etyadi theke amader mukto kore. Budhyichorchar atmobilasi abosthan theke, tatyo o torker thnda sanskritir jayga theke baire tene ane.
Nandigramer manusher upor ganohotyar cpm-io rastrio santras, akta pratik matro. Je protik, sudhumatro nandigrameri noy barong bohujatik o sammrajyobadi arthanitir birudhye amader jagie die galo.
Notun samajbyabostharkotha bhabati akhon khubi proyojonio. Je santras o moulobad ajker samajer bhoanok bipodrupe dakha dieche ta desher bhitor theke karjoto lupto kora darkar.
Ekhane unnayon prasange amar kichu prashno ami rakhi:
Budhyodeb kothito unnayon o sahor kendrik obhijatrai jodi mul hoto tahole China er j erokom abostha kano? 1995 sal theke 2002 saler modhye china er utpadon shilpe sramik sankhya hras peyche 15%( 98 million theke 83 million) rashtro adhikrito enterprise guliteo sramikera ajibon kormosangsthan charao peten swastho, sikhya ebong anyanyo samajik nirapottar sujog. Bartamane bajarer niom menei byaktimalikanadhin sangsthay sramikera pachchen kom mojuri, dirgha sramodibos, samajik subidha hras. Krishite china biswa banijyo sangsthay probesh korar age akhchashira proti tonne 250 unan dam peto. Je muhurte china biswa banijyo sangsthay sadasyo holo, sange sange sasta, uchcha vartuki prapto amdanikrito akh sarborahe cheye galo bajar. Chinar 60% angsho akhon jolokoshte bhugche. 70% nodir jol dushito. Tibra acid brishti janaswastha byabostha bhenge dichche. China akhon prithibir 2nd green house bikironkri desh. Shilpayoner fole 2.67 million square kilometer jomi morubhumite porinoto hoyche ja chinar rashtrosimanar 29.7%.
To ehano poristhite Budhyadeber shilpayon je kono rakom unnyaoneri dharok na ta to bojhai jay. Kintu samosyar kotha, ei bhul unnayaner nitike niei cpm fascist der bhumika palo kore nandigram e 1 bochor dhore chalalo hananlina.
Nagorik samajer andoloner anyotomo prekhyit howa uchit ei arthonaitik o unnayon sankranto ak bhranto idea ero birudhyachoron kora. Karon fascism to nijer swarthe je kono bhranto nitike praman kortei chaibe ak unnayonshil manobaotabadi niti. Eke counter korar janyo amader uchit palta bhabnar sanskriti gore tola. Je shit nandigramer manush tader jiboner binimoye katie dieche, sei shiter bipokhye etai hote paare amader sahojodhyamulok kaj.
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Taslim Nasriner upor kendro o rajyo sarkarer er udasinota ebong sidhyantohinotar karoner agamikal Shonibar 1 pm theke pratibadi michil o abosthan. Sthan Academy. Bikhyobhe angsho nin.Contact Arpita Ghosh 9830165420
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Nandigram–Budhya, Biman, Binoy, Communism er prakito aitijhyobahi
Budhya ki adou communist aitijhyo kei bohon korchen na? 1917 sale bolshevik biplober por sampurno khyomota dakhol ebong birodhider kantho sampurno bandho korar janyo lenin ghoshona korechilen khub taratari nirbachon hobe. er janyo notun namkoron hoechilo jar nam constituent assemble. sekhane 700 asoner modhye matro 150 ason peye lenin bhenge dilen sangsad. 1928 saale birodhira Lenin ke hotyar chesta kore. ebong tar porei neme ase lal santras. Lenin er agei gathon korechilen gupton police sanghothan ” Cheka” jader kaji chilo kole karkhanay communist birodhi khunje peyei take hotya kora. 1918 theke 1921 porjonto je grihojudhyo cholechilo lal fouj bonam sada foujer modhye sekhane prayojon chilo ak shaktishali lalfoujer—astro o khadyosambhare susajjito. fole Leniner netrityadhin Rush Communist paarty gothon korlo war communism. Krishite sob jomir rashtriokoron holo. Malik holo rashtro. Sob atirikto khadyo o sashyer bajeapto korar adhikar thaklo rashtrer upor. ei badhyotamulok communism e bijhyubdho chashira Cheka-er hate fosol tule deoar chite ta purie diteo dyidha bodh kortona. er fole rashia te probol khadyosankot dakha jay ar 1920-21 e neme ase durbhikhyo. shilpeo chorie jay war communism er byadhi. trade ebong dharmoghot nishidhyo hoy. ganobikhyobhe fete pore Rashian mojdur o krishokera.
lenin bolechilen amra akhono Communism pabar moto susabhyo hoe uthini. Grihojudhyokalin rashiate Lalfoujer santrase mara giechilo 7.5 million manush. nandigram ki choto angaria to er kache sishu. shet shoktike nischinho korar janyo war communism er abodan kebol Kronstad ei avyuthyan er fole nihotoder sankhya koyak hajar. petrograder pashei chilo noubahinir chauni. Kronstad. pothe pothe cholche krishok der sange lal foujer sanghorsho. Mrityudondo nischit jeneo bikhyobhe samil hochen sramikra. krishokra. fete porlo Kronstader nabikra jar baro angshe chilo Bolshebhik. 1921 saler 26 february tara ak protinidhidol pathalo ebong du din badei tara resolution gothon korlo jar sidhyantoguli chilo—bartaman soviet byabostha konobhabei krishokder asha akankhyar protifolon na. Abilombe notun sovieter janyo nirbachon hote hobe ebong ta hobe gopon ballot e. abadh o swadhin procharer sujog thakte hobe, aar jea kichu dabi segulir modhye chilo bak-swadhinota, krishokder hate tader jomi ar poshukhamarer malikana firie deoa. Trade union ebong krishok andoloner aporadhe samosto rajnaitik bondider mukti ebong jarai srom deben tader protyeker jnyo samoporiman khadyo reshoner adhikar.
etai to communist dabi…kintu Lenin eke akhya dilen shet sainyoder uskani hisebe ar tader europio samarthakder gore tole sharojontro( jano nandigram prosonge Binoy Kongar), Kujnar bollen –jodi tomra judhya chao tai pabe, amra communistra Kronstade rashtrer sashon bolobot korboi.( thik jano nandigram prasonge Biman Bosu), Trotsky 60000 shaktir lal fouj lelie dilen Kronstader nabikder upor. ( Thik jano nandigram e lakhyon Seth). nabikder nirbichare hatya kora holo. sarkari hisebe mrityur sankhya 527 ebong ahoto 4127 jon. guli kore mara holo 500 jon netristhanio nabikke. koyak hajar jonke nirbasone pathano holo krishnosagor, saiberiate.
Mone rakhte hobe Kronstader safolyo lenin ar Rashir ebong communism er itihase ak bijoypalok. nandigram er bhoyabohota aro kom. lenin jodi mohamoti akhya pete paren tahole Budhyo- Bnoy- Biman ki Communist adorshochyuto?
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