Guest post by MONOBINA GUPTA

Ayodhya, Faizabad: As our taxi approaches the site of the controversial Ram temple, two young men on motorcycle ride alongside our car. “ We will be your guides. Want to see the temple? Only hundred rupees,” they shout. My unofficial ‘guide’ Vineet Maurya, a fierce crusader against representing the site as the birthplace of Ram, rolls down the window and snaps back,” We are not here to see the temple.” Further down the lane, more young men run behind the car with similar offers. Temple sightseeing has turned into a veritable industry at Ayodhya.

From the narrow alley, the disputed plot, closely barricaded with high yellow railings and watched 24/7 by men from the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) and Provincial Armed Constabulary(PAC), images a heavily guarded fortress: one that is in danger of imminent attack. This is the holy site over whose ownership Hindus, led by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), had waged such a fierce battle and spilled so much of blood. The manifestations of that unholy battle are overwhelmingly present in the form of deployment of countless security forces guarding Ram Lalla. What is lost in this murky stand-off is the sanctity of a holy place.  Ayodhya ranks among the top holy sites of India.

Today, gun toting security men are on constant vigil -scanning the borders – looking out for mischief makers.  Two decades have passed since the demolition of Babri Masjid on December 6 1992, a watershed moment in Indian history that changed not only the hearts and minds of the minority community but also shifted the course of national and state politics. “That was when Muslims lost all faith in the system,” is the common sentiment one hears among members of the minority community in Eastern Uttar Pradesh.

Non-religious grievances of a different kind also revolve around Ramjanambhoomi. “In the name of mandir they have taken over 60 acres of land that belonged to my family,” says Vineet, who has converted to Buddhism. He used to grow flowers on the land he lost and made a living from. “Not just me, 20 other families have lost their lands” says Vineet. He now tirelessly campaigns to popularise Ayodhya’s Buddhist legacy. Equally relentlessly he rebuts the Sangh Parivar’s attempts to represent Ram as God and present Ayodhya as his birthplace. Vineet is openly contemptuous of attempts by sections of religious and political leaders who peddle faith to grab political power – as he is of the continued marginalisation of Dalits by upper castes. His vociferous arguments evoke sharp reactions from our taxi driver Satyendra Bhatt. “Are you questioning Ram’s godliness?” asks Bhatt. As the exchange grows sharper, Bhatt mutters, “People like you should be cut up and thrown into the river.” Later he tells me Vineet is not a good man. “Had he said all this in Varanasi, he would have been mobbed and beaten up till he would be in no condition to utter such words any more. He is getting away because Ayodhya is a small place.” Chilling words.

Communal tensions operate at a subterranean level at Ayodhya. The prospect of BJP’s prime ministerial candidate Narendra Modi coming to power has set off churnings within communities and castes. Nobody is impervious to the Modi factor. “There is a silent lehar (wave) for Modi says Dinesh Singh, a former CPI(ML) activist turned Aam Aadmi Party(AAP) member. The AAP is planning to put up candidates in every constituency in UP, says Dinesh. Winnability is not in discussion here, it’s the novelty of AAP which seems to be the draw. As people fume and fulminate against the tried and tested political class, they are also deciding to teach them a ‘lesson’ in the coming elections. Samajwadi Party is in their straight line of fire. “The M-Y (Muslim-Yadav) combination is breaking down,” says Krishna Prasad Singh, a journalist in Faizabad.  Unthinkable a year ago, there is more than a chink in the SP’s Yadav armour. Disappointed with what they perceive as placating Muslims, many among the Yadavs are switching their loyalties to the BJP. Muslims, who Mulayam Singh Yadav considered his captive votebank, are considering options. Muzaffarnagar has added fresh salt to their already existing wounds. But unlike Yadavs, Muslims have nowhere to turn to –nowhere to repose their faith.  Such helplessness, many would argue, stands testimony to the state of India’s politics – particularly secular politics.

“Muslims do not have a friend in any political party,” says Khaliq Ahmad Khan, general secretary of All India MIlli Council, who persistently raises concerns of the minority community. Khaliq narrates how shops owned by Muslims were looted and burnt in Faizabad in front of a passive district administration and police last October. “Top local leaders of SP, BSP, BJP, Congress participated in that arson. Ninety shops were gutted. Not a single party came to help the community,” says Khaliq. Yes, Muslims will vote strategically this time: to keep Narendra Modi out of power.

Nearby, at the Vishwa Hindu Parishad run Karsevakpuram, volunteers have already fanned out in a jan jagran (social awareness) campaign. Virendra, a VHP member, says it doesn’t matter if Modi is not highlighting the Ram mandir issue in his speeches. “Sometime you can get things done by being silent. Once Modi comes to power, Parliament should pass a law and get the temple constructed. Why leave it to the courts to decide?” he asks. For the moment, the VHP, is not upset with Modi for not responding to the invitation sent out couple of months ago, requesting the BJP’s prime ministerial aspirant to attend the ceremony on the occasion of the 75^th birth anniversary of the Ramjanambhoomi Trust president Nrittyagopal Das. There is still time, is what the VHP says.

Much of Ayodhya’s political imagination even today centres around the Ram temple. “A call for temple construction today will evoke massive response from the people,” says Virendra. As the town keenly awaits the Lok Sabha elections, the sense of anticipation among the majority community mingles with an equal measure of anxiety among the minorities.     

 A slightly version of this article was published in DNA today