Guest post by A. SUNEETHA, VASUDHA NAGARAJ, R. SRIVATSAN, GOGU SHYAMALA, SARATH DAVALA and R.V. RAMANA MURTHY
[This post was sent to us on the 23rd of September, when the strike, still on-going, entered its tenth day. On the date of posting this, the strike had entered its sixteenth day].
Sakala Janula Samme (extraordinary general strike) in the ten districts of Telangana has entered its tenth day today. Miners in the Singareni Collieries, private college teachers and students, road transport employees unions, school teachers, university staff, lawyers in the lower and high courts, the electricity employees union—in short almost all employees (who usually refuse to see beyond their immediate benefits) and contract workers (who under normal circumstances cannot afford to lose wages) needed by the state to “govern” its people—have gone on strike.
Government in this region, already seriously impaired and facing severe challenges from the movement since 2009 has come to a standstill. In an extraordinary “do or die” battle for the formation of a separate Telangana state, the various joint action committees promise to continue this strike till a separate Telangana state is formed.
In terms of popular support, the outpouring of literature and internal contestations/critiques of the movement for separate Telangana has been unprecedented (except perhaps for the Madiga Dandora movement) in the recent political history of the state. Attendance at numerous meetings in the ten districts of Telangana has ranged from 5,000 to 50,000, peaking at 10 lakh people (some estimates put it at 15 lakh or more) inWarangal in mid 2010. A profusion of movement literature has disseminated the demands of Telangana to the reading public: proportionate share in allocations for irrigation and employment, protection of farmland and self-rule. The wide-ranging public debate has opened up commonly accepted notions of Telugu language, history, culture and development in the state to intense critical scrutiny. Other hitherto nonpolitical issues ranging from evaluation of exam papers across the region to recruiting police constables have become intensely controversial. This movement has sucked into its wake grass root struggles for drinking water, and for a share in irrigated water; against distress migration, against farmers’ suicides and mining projects that lay waste their land. Writers and other cultural activists as well as those working for tribal and Dalit rights continue to feed this storm, making it the mother of all struggles in the region today.
In the era of electoral democracy, rapid globalization and identity politics, such a demand (sometimes called ‘regional nationalism’) has attracted ridicule, dismay and cynicism among the dominant sections of the middle classes and the intelligentsia. It has been deemed illegitimate, illogical and dangerous where an aggressive leadership is leading gullible and emotionally vulnerable youth down a blind alley; at which point a significant few commit suicide. The movement has been dismissed as belonging to the realm of bhavodvegaalu (emotions and sentiments) rather than to the realm of the political. While one section of the critics have concluded that it is politically impossible to carve out a separate state, the other section deems the state’s formation totally inadequate to meet the challenges of sharing political power and economic resources in the current times.
Steeped in skepticism the elite remain anxious about incidents of potential or actual violence against the coastal Andhra migrants settled in the ten districts of Telangana. They anticipate withdrawal of popular support for the numerous calls for bandhs and strikes and expect the students to go back to their studies. They also hope that the Telangana people would see through the selfish motives of their leaders, move onto other tangible goals and repose their faith in the status quo. Alas, none of these hopes, expectations or fears has materialized so far! Instead, the steady opposition to the demand for the state seems to have gradually resulted in firming up the proponents’ resolve for it.
Since Telangana Vaadam turned into a movement, it has pushed the leadership with serious differences among themselves to work in tandem with each other (an alliance they would not have otherwise dreamt of). There has emerged a “contested” consensus about the modes, strategies, leadership of the movement. Thus while the TRS leader K. Chandra Sehkar Rao (KCR) has the unquestioned ability to galvanize people into action, he is clearly seen as a person with limitations (corruptible, compromised and doubtful as a choice for a future leadership) who is meeting the need of the moment.
A more serious objection has been that strikes affect the livelihood of the common daily wage earner, and that therefore they would be against it. This indeed has been the government’s criticism of the Sakala Janula Samme. Its announcement of the one rupee per Kg of rice schemes, the creation of one lakh jobs, and several other schemes are political strategies to address this category of the ‘most oppressed’ as an electoral constituency. However, there are some potential weaknesses in this analysis. Firstly, while the metropolitan and big city wage laborer would be most affected by the strikes, (and that too, specific groups: construction labourers, hamalis, auto-rickshaw drivers, etc.), the laborers in the small towns and rural areas would perhaps not be so severely affected. Secondly, the migrant worker to the city from the surrounding Telangana districts is often the small farmer and laborer displaced by the underdevelopment of the region. In addition most of the students who are participating in the movement belong to similar families. Thus, it seems as if, the broad consensus for Telangana includes support of the most disadvantaged sections of society, to the extent possible. The fate of the Congress strategy to woo the ‘most oppressed’ would depend on the extent to which this economic condition feeds into the political consciousness of the Telangana demand.
The government at the state and central level exhibit no ability to make a coherent and articulate response to the demand of the separate state itself. What we get instead are meaningless and vague statements by assorted AICC spokespersons (Gulam Nabi Azad, Manish Tiwari, Abhishekh Singvi, Renuka Chowdhary); negative ones by the group of most influential MPs from the state (Rayapati Sambasiva Rao, Lagadapati Rajagopal, Kavuri Sambasiva Rao, J.C.Divakarreddy etc.) and hysterical ones by the myriad Congress leaders at the local level. Chidambaram’s Dec 2009 statements in favour of Telangana and the Srikrishna Committee’s observations notwithstanding, the Congress governments, at the centre and state have adopted the favourite strategy of “wait till the movement turns against itself”. The inability of most Telangana elected representatives to visit their constituencies from 2009 and their eventual resignation under peoples’ pressure do not seem to matter. The language of the ruling party and of the government continues to be that of ‘managing the sentiments’ or ‘administering it through regional committees, special development schemes and special anti-Naxal packages’. Given that the Telangana representatives are in a minority in the state assembly and (in the parliament) and the near total split within the of Congress and Telugu Desam parties on the issue of Telangana, the possibility of taking any political or administrative steps towards the formation of the Telangana state have grown increasingly bleak.
While it is no surprise that the region which has been sought to be “administered” and “managed” through various “agreements”, “committees”, “special packages” and “development” over the last fifty years has launched a general strike, the precise dynamics of the political upheaval are yet to be fully understood. In a mirror image, it is the silence of the “national” media and the intelligentsia that is inexplicable to those of us who have followed the passionate discussions around Anna Hazare’s anti-corruption movement. While the Telangana movement is a regional one, its criticisms of development biases and its comprehensive refusal to submit to a government that is widely perceived to be against the regional interest are worthy of note. It is our considered opinion that the Telangana movement represents a far more advanced and democratized political understanding than the moralistic opposition to corruption which took centre space in English newspapers, television and the world-wide web. It is perhaps indicative that underdevelopment and acute organic political insight are also handicapped by the lack of a voice that will be heard in the national public sphere.
A. Suneetha, Vasudha Nagaraj, R.Srivatsan, Gogu Shyamala, Sarath Davala and R.V.Ramana Murthy
KAFILA - COLLECTIVE EXPLORATIONS SINCE 2006 
It is not a case of underdevelopment. Last year before Sri Krishna Committee report, mainstream press too believed the falsehood of underdevelopment and supported. But the facts are otherwise. The richness and development has spurred the movement, to separate and become richer with all the revenues of Hyderabad to be taken over only for themselves. It is robbing others to enrich themselves. Now no one is talking of development. Since facts do not support, “emotional” reasons are raised. Forget logic and rationality. Greed of politicians is what is driving this. Personally find no reason to resist Telengana; grant 500 states. What is the problem? Let political class thrive and let their progeny enjoy prosperous lives. Since development or underdevelopment are not the criteria to justify Telengana, then Telengana can have three states, or each MP can have a state; that is the best. Long time we forgot that we are Indians. Then states will become weak and center will have better control on these 500 odd states.
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If the people of Andhra and Rayalaseema regions after some days go on ‘general strike’ for one month or so, which they are perfectly capable of doing with more unanimity and gusto than this sakala janula samme, for the cause of Samaikya Andhra (keeping AP united), then will these six persons also declare that ‘Samaikay Andhra movement represents a far more advanced and democratized political understanding…”?
It is trite that emotional and chauvinist movements always surge forward on the basis of popular support and participation only – and such people cannot be taken to be infallible ultimate entity in that context.
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with the mainstream media totally ignoring a Groundswell popular movement, its up to the small and independent media to engage the National Consciousness on Telangana.
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I am sure a learned person like Mallikarjuna Sharma understands that the people of Telangana were never part of this “Samaikyandhra movement”. We would rather prefer to call it a “Anti-Telangana” movement.
And by the way, why do you guys keep forgetting the “under-development” card and the “emotional angle” and “language chauvinism” that you guys used during the separate Andhra movement.
It was you guys who first taught this country how to break up into states. It was you guys who held delhi to ransom by resorting to indiscriminate violence.
Enough preaching Sharma garu. Telangana people are much wiser now…
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I never said separatists were or are ever a part of Samaikya Andhra movement. Actually the Samaikya Andhra movement is referred to in the present context as opposed to separate Telangana movement and what Dileep refers to or means probably is the Vishalandhra movement of the 1950’s. Then he is not exactly correct in stating that people of Telangana were never a part of that movement. Actually from 1949 to 1955-56 it was in Telangana that the Vishalandhra movement under the auspices of Vishalandhra Mahasabha raged. Please read “Telanganalo Jatiyodyamalu” (and the Chapter on Vishalandhra Mahasabha in it) by Dr. Devulapalli Ramanuja Rao (a native of Warangal, Chairman, Andhra Saraswatha Parishad, Boggulakunta, Hyderabad). An overwhelming majority of Telanganites, especially peasants and workers and downtrodden sections, solidly supported the cause of Vishalandhra and the undivided Communist Party was fully for it and conducted a powerful movement. Only the feudal lords and misguided students and employees of towns – that too mainly after the institution of Fazal Ali Commission and more so after delivery of its Report – were in favour of separate Telangana agitation which raged during 1955-56. Even K.V. Ranga Reddy was singing the tunes of Vishalandhra till 1955.
The Andhra State movement under Andhra Mahasbha and other organizations in coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema right from the first decade of 20th century was for separation of Telugu speaking districts (including Madras, which was a Telugu city) from the United Madras Province no doubt, but it was always a part of the national movement for independence. In deed it was Andhra leaders who canvassed and showed the lead to the national congress to adopt the linguistic state formation policy. Inside the Madras Province, the Andhra Congress Committee was formed in 1920s itself. [In contrast not even a Telangana Congress Committee is there even now, or even a demand for it is not current even now]. Andhras could have secured their separate state in 1929-30 itself and the British were willing to grant it if only they demanded a separate state for themselves alone. But call it high idealism or crass stupidity, the Andhra leaders submitted a memorandum to the Simon Commission (1928) where they pleaded for the reorganization of the provinces of British India on the linguistic states basis. That sealed their fate and they could not get it then.
The formation of Andhra state was consented to and conceded in principle, and even the Madras Provincial Legislature accepted for its formation even before independence. All expected the declaration of Andhra state simultaneously with the promulgation of the Constitution in 1949. But that was not to be since Madras city had by then become the bone of contention. It was for Madras City to be in Andhra State that Potti Sriramulu mainly started and continued his fast though in the later phase of the fast, he was prepared to give it up if immediate declaration of formation of Andhra State minus the controversial details be made. However, the adamant attitude of Nehru foiled the chances of termination of his fast and he died heroically for the cause. That caused eruption of intense agitations and Nehru was constrained all the same to declare Andhra (minus Madras and Bellary and Barampuram – the loss of which even now pains all Telugus).
It was again Nehru who dilly dallied and delayed the formation of Vishalandhra and perhaps he sowed the seeds of or encouraged dissensions between Andhra and Telangana Congress leaders even. Otherwise Hyderabad State Congress, almost immediately or soon after the liberation, had passed an unanimous resolution under the leadership of Swami Ramananda Tirth that Hyderabad State should be trifurcated and the three linguistic areas in it should be merged with their respective adjacent linguistic areas in the provinces of British India. Swami Ramanand Tirth, the great selfless and dedicated leader and President of Hyderabad Congress was to his last an ardent votary of Telugu unity and he had even opposed the Separate Telangana movement of 1969. In 1969-70 also he had mobilized many Telangana Congress leaders for unity and also took vows from them that come what may they would always protect and promote the unity of Andhra Pradesh.
Telangana means Telugu Land. It is not limited to just 10 districts of Nizam Telangana so to speak but encompasses all the 23 districts of Andhra Pradesh and also more. Even K.V. Ranga Reddy admitted and wrote in his autobiography that Telangana (as he thinks) is derived from Trilinga desa – which is the region between Three Lingas in Srisailam (Kurnool), Daksharamam (West Godavari) and Kaleshwaram (Karminagar) i.e. enveloping all the three – present Nizam Telangana, Coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema regions. Such regional divide was not there under Kakatiyas or even afterwards under Kutubshahis of Golconda who ruled the bulk of the Telugu country. Even under Nizam until 1760s coastal Andha and then for some period Rayalaseema was a part and it was for their own protection that they ceded Rayalaseema and Andhra to the British, otherwise their very rule would have been swept off by the militant Marathas. That is why when Nizam declared his independence on 15 August 1947, refusing to join in Indian Union and also unwilling and geographically unable to join Pakistan, demands were thereafter made unofficially and perhaps officially too that the coastal Andhra, Rayalaseema and Berar districts should be returned to Nizam and a greater Osmanistan be allowed to exist as an independent country. Of course Indians could never concede that and ultimately Hyderabad was liberated in 1948.
So there is no rhyme of reason for the now raging separatist movement in Telangana which is exclusively the work of selfish and fraudulent politicians and other leaders and the credulous masses swayed by their evil propaganda. But there are substantial numbers of saner elements even now in Telangana and they would in course of time certainly become a strong influence for protecting and promoting the unity of the State and the unity of all Telugus.
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thank you Mr. Sharma for a brief history of the region. somehow, the people protesting have just decided that Telangana means the area which is now in AP and was at the time of Independence in the territory of the Nizam. i specially found the origin of the word Telangana from Trilingadesa interesting. The word could also be related to Telugu or rather that raises the questions – what might have been the origins of the words Telugu, Andhra, Rayalaseema etc. discussion of which could further show the hollowness of the ideology of the protests.
on the other hand, quite clearly people are protesting and while they may be manipulated and deluded, i think they may be unarticulated issues which government institutions are neglecting. one such issue might be economic inequalities and the frustration among the people that success seems to be easier to others than themselves. somehow, the most affluent people in Hyderabad and possibly even in Warangal are people from non-Telegana. The traditional laid-back attitude of the “natives” of Hyderabad has made them easily overtaken by the seemingly more ambitious Telugu speaking non-Telanganites. Thus the non-Telangana “Andhras” have been made into a scapegoat by the politicians to mobilise the public.
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I appreciate your desire to run from ‘Big Media’. But, you may not like to run away from Truth and Objectivity. I am a supporter of Telugu Unity and I support it in the context of developing, supporting, and promoting National Unity and National Integration. None of you have actually lived, or worked in other parts of Andhra Pradesh or India. You may not have lived in other parts of the World. You speak about ‘globalization’ with no global experience. There is no ‘objective’ basis for your view. I fully understand that you are entitled to your opinion or view based upon your subjective experience of life. We need to work together to promote Peace and Prosperity while keeping National Unity and Integration as our primary objective. Telugu Unity is important to enhance the quality of our contribution to National Life and to the Global Community.
http://bhavanajagat.wordpress.com/2010/03/01/an-open-testimony-to-justice-srikrishna/
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@Bhavanajagat – Is it sheer arrogance when you declare that none of us have lived in other parts of the world? Second, do you also mean to say that people of two states cannot stay united – as in people of Karnataka and AP can’t be considered to be united? As a matter of fact, regionalism and ‘partiality associated with regionalism’ was promoted by the very people who talk about unity today. Where does this ‘unity’ go when every other Telugu movie butchers the Telangana dialect? Unity is not about living in one state, it’s about respecting each other’s interests! I am sorry, but on several counts leaders of Andhra Pradesh have failed to instill any confidence in the people of Telangana.
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How can the sufferings of citizens can be so easily dismissed. Students are forced not to attend classes. Fear of violence ensures that business firms ‘co-operate’. Stopping train services, transport and other necessities affects persons living in that region as much as
others.I am an academic who has been postponing my trip to Hyderabad as friends suggested that even if you come to here the situation so volatile that you wont be able to visit universities and meet professors.In Feb 2011 I was there and was caught aware by a 48 hour bandh. Fortunately the organizers of the meeting who had invited me ensured that I could travel in their official vehicle. When train services are stopped for 36 hours or bandh ensures that ordinary life is affected who is paying the price.My relative in a suburb of Hyderabad tells me that often bus services are cancelled or the number of trips are limited and in some days even autos refuse to come to some areas.
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I agree that anyone cannot/should not cause any inconvenience to people during protests. But that’s only when democracy works like a democracy. Consider this – an incumbent Chief Minister (YSR) promises people about looking into the matter of statehood on the floor of the assembly, and retracts from that statement later, in fact on the very next after polls in Telangana kicks off the campaign in Andhra (having cleverly manipulated the election dates) with a warning to the people there that they’d need a passport to visit Hyderabad if Telangana state was formed!
Very few people understand this – YSR, or no YSR, people of Telangana had decided on that very day that they would fight it out to get their state!
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Last Friday, I witnessed 6 goons who trashed a manager/supervisor and a few workers at the Madhapur petrol pump to enforce their strike. Given this, I have serious doubts on judging the popularity of the Telangana movement based on the effectiveness of strikes.
Per se, I have no problem with a Telangana state as long as the rights of all citizens of India are protected in the newly created Telangana state. It will be particularly difficult to do that given the narrative has been built stating that folks from rest of Andhra Pradesh have exploited Telangana to their benefit.
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The Telengana agitation is also going the way of the much romanticized Maoist movement. The leaders are amassing wealth by extorting protection money from businesses for not targeting them during the rioting. So much for the “far more advanced and democratized political understanding”
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This is “Sakala Janulapai Sammeta”. if KCR is told he will not become the CM of Telangana (supplemented by some cash), he will immediately start shouting for Undivided AP.
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Telengana is the oldest issue in our country. The people of this region have undergone all kinds of tribulations. The demand for its separate existence has been there right from the days of Nehru-the first Prime Minster and the architect of post-independence India.The issue has passed through the hands various big personalities. The solution is eluding everybody. There cannot be any quick-fix either. The current strike may not complicate the matters further. The big minds engaged in this exercise must show resilience. A solution has to be found which should be acceptable to all the sections of Andhra Pradesh. However, the strike must be suspended for some time so that the issue is settled in a cool and dispassionate atmosphere.
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Thanks for that kind response from Republic Guard. I am not being arrogant. I am recording a very simple observation, an impression which I have gained by reading this Guest Post. I could not find or read a word that would reflect about the experience of these authors of the Guest Post that relates to physically living or working in a region or realm outside Telangana. To develop harmonious relationships, to develop mutual understanding, to form relationships based upon trust, respect, and shared feelings, we need to move out and physically live in different areas and interact with people in a direct manner. I have been fortunate to get that kind of experience in my personal life. Mylapore, Madras is my birth place. I had lived in Palghat while it was part of Madras State. I had lived in Rajahmundry and obtained my High School Diploma/Certificate. I had lived in Nizamabad and attended College for four years. I had lived in Kurnool and obtained my M.B.B.S. degree. I got married in Cuddapah to a person who is a native of that place. We had moved and lived in different parts of India including Secunderabad/Alwal/Trimulgherry. At every place, I had good social relationships with people/natives of that area. I had given my personal attention and service to people of all these areas. While in Nizamabad, I developed liking for Urdu language and I still listen to Ghazals. I learned Hindi and it was my working language most of the time. My love for Telugu as a Language is mostly shaped by writers like Bammera Potana. I like Bhadrachalam and the legend associated with that place. I have described Sultan Abul Hasan Qutub Shah(TANISHAH or TANA SHAH) as a verily Blessed Soul. I developed a liking for Persian Language and thoughts expressed by Persian poets like Omar Khayyam. I had served the Muslim community at all the places where I had served including Cities like Lucknow, Kaptai(Bangladesh), and Sultanate of Oman. I have expressed my love for Iran and its Persian origin. If you remember, Hyderabad was built as a replica of Isfahan or Esfahan of Persia. It means “unparalleled in the World” or a replica of heaven itself. To accomplish that dream, that vision to make Hyderabad a replica of Heaven on Earth(Nesf-e-Jahan) or Half the World, we need Unity. As in Europe, where States have linguistic identity, Indian Union must have States based upon Linguistic Unity and identity. I love Telugu, but I use English Language to express my ideas, thoughts, feelings, and to earn my living. My idea or feelings to promote Telugu Unity has no disrespect towards other people or other languages and I still use Sanskrit, Hindi, and Urdu apart from Telugu. I love ideas expressed in Persian and Arabic languages as I had worked and interacted with those people. I would ask all of you to Let Noble Thoughts Come From All Directions.
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A humble question in the midst of all this history, etymology & anthropology.
Why are school & college teachers on strike? Why is children’s education being made to suffer in the name of political protests?
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Mr. Mallikarjuna Sharma,
Thank you for giving a brief (though partial) historical background about the merger of Telangana with rest of Andhra to form Andhra Pradesh. Like you, I too belong to Coastal Andhra. So if I sound like ‘credulous masses swayed by evil propaganada’, you should probably grant me a modicum of ‘reason’ for getting swayed like this! While there are many controversies surrounding the formation of Andhra Pradesh itself, the current movement, as far as I understand, is about ‘Telangana after Andhra Pradesh formation’ i.e., post-unification plight of the region. Two well-argued issues that the Telangana proponents have posed – that can be obtained on numerous websites, pamphlets and through a simple conversation with an auto driver in Hyderabad – are as follows:
a) Telangana was merged with Andhra on the basis of the Gentlemen’s agreement in which Telangana was promised its share of state’s resources, revenues and jobs. Why wasn’t it ever respected? When a series of memorandums, protests, committees, orders over fifty years – from Lalith Committee in 1969, President’s Orders 1973, Girglani Commission and G.O 610 1984 and a major movement in 1969 in which 350 people were killed – cannot make this agreement work and ensure their share of resources, don’t they have a right to ask for de-merger? Why should they remain united for the sake of ‘Telugu unity’?
b) If Telugu unity means ‘development’ of all Telugus, why did Telangana in fact decline over the last five decades? Considering its natural resources such as river water (largest catchment area of Krishna and Godavari rivers in the state), superior minor irrigation systems (linked tank irrigation developed over centuries by the local rulers from Kakatiyas to Asaf Jahis) as well as coal and minerals, the region as well as its people should have been much richer and well-endowed by now. Instead, what we see is neglect of minor and major irrigation in Telangana; and diversion of disproportionate share of water to four districts of coastal Andhra through major irrigation projects; decline of agriculture (except in Karimnagar and Warangal) as a result and severe unemployment. This is more visible in all the districts surrounding Hyderabad – Medak, Rangareddy, Mahboobnagar and Nalgonda. Let us take Medak that was known as ‘metuku’ (rice grain) which is now known for drought and distress migration of small and marginal farmers to the city. Thanks to the growing needs of the Hyderabad, the local farmers around Singur were deprived of Manjira river water, when the then Telugu Desam CM NT Rama Rao decided to divert all the water to Hyderabad. It led to a severe decline in agriculture in several villages. The farmers have to obtain a GO every year for the release of a fraction of water which is their due. An area where there were two or three crops thirty years ago cannot get a single proper crop now. This is the shortest example that one can give. How does one account for this kind of forced under-development under a ‘Telugu state’?
I could go on about the justness of the demand for Telangana but will stop here. What continues to surprise me in the blog debates on Telangana are the obscene repetitions of Telugu nationalist sentiment, irrelevant threats of India breaking into several states and naive or arrogant dismissal of the movement that has gathered increasing momentum for the past two years. What is missing is an engagement with the issues raised by the movement, of movement turning into a state etc.
If we get past the naïve notion of gullible masses led astray by evil leaders or naive multiculturalism, we have to ask how and why Telangana-vadam transformed into a movement in 2009. Many Telangana ‘civil societal’ associations began working on the issues plaguing it – destruction of minor irrigation, farm suicides, biases in major irrigation allocations, drinking water problems, distress migrations – from 2000. They include Telangana vidyavanthula vedika, karuvu vyathireka porata samithi, Manjira Rachayithala Vedika, Human Rights Forum among others. Late K.Balagopal and Jayashankar reportedly addressed 300 meetings in Rayalaseema and coastal Andhra districts about irrigation injustice to Telangana region by 2005 or 2006. Meanwhile, both the Congress party and the Telugu Desam decided to accept the demand, included it in their election agenda and fought the elections of 2004 and 2009 in Telangana promising to give the state once they assume power. They aligned with KCR, ‘the evil leader’ in these elections. Congress appointed a Pranab Committee which received representations by parties in the state agreeing to the formation of Telangana. Telugu Desam set up an internal committee, studied the issue for months and accepted it. So neither Telangana issue nor KCR emerged in 2011!!! Nor is he alone responsible for the current mess in the state.
Why did it become a huge movement in 2009? One could say that Telangana – deprived of state investments in irrigation and education – was affected much more by the successive neo-liberal policies of Andhra Pradesh regimes (remember, AP and Chandrababu Naidu have been the darlings of World Bank and Rajasekhar Reddy only continued rapaciously, but sweetened the blow by ‘welfare’ schemes) that cut down agricultural subsidies (in 2004, four people were killed in police firing protesting against cut in power subsidies, a huge issue for borewell-dependent Telangana farmers). Recruitment to government service was stopped completely for almost a decade. Only IT sector grew. Hyderabad grew massively, gobbling up hundreds of villages in surrounding Telangana districts. Many Dalit farmers lost their assigned land in this mayhem.
In fact, the current movement began with Osmania University students (sons/daughters of backward class and Dalit small and marginal farmers and agricultural labourers from surrounding districts of Hyderabad) protesting against ‘Hyderabad as a free zone’, angry with all political parties, including KCR. By this time, there was a popular anger that grew increasingly restive, KCR and TRS were being the focus of this anger. There was an increasing demand for taking up the Telangana issue more militantly. When KCR wanted to withdraw from his long-promised fast within three days of commencing it, Osmania students burnt his effigy and carried out death ceremonies for him. KCR was under tremendous pressure to continue his fast for Telangana. The groundswell of mobilization continued afterwards, with political parties struggling to come to terms with it rather than setting the terms. Hundreds of Joint Action Committees – dhobis, electricity employees, graveyard workers, barbers, temple priests, teachers, principals at the local level – formed to join there. Protests took innovative forms. Graveyard workers declared that they would not burn the dead bodies of family members or relatives of Congress MLAs if they did not work for Telangana state formation. Gullible masses indeed!!!
One can indeed talk about issues that would arise once this demand for a state is conceded. Would it be democratic? I have serious doubts. What would be the shape of the political alignment unleashed by this movement? One cannot say. But these concerns should not distract us from conceding the justness of the demand and democratic impulse of the ongoing movement.
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1. Violations of Gentlemen’s Agreement have been from both sides. But Telangana separatists conveniently conceal their own violations and highlight those of Seemandhras. One stark violation they repeat over and over again was the non-appointment of a Deputy Chief Minister from Telangana immediately after the formation of AP. KV Ranga Reddy who was to be designated so was not named so; but he was given prime portfolios of Home and Revenue. He was a staunch supporter of the CM, Neelam Sanjeeva Reddy, who was the chief culprit in that regard,. When cornered by press on that point, KVRR himself stated: “Well, what is there in the sixth finger (angushta sheshum)?” and doused the affair. Read KVRR autobiography. Later, interestingly, KVRR was designated Deputy Chief Minister under Sanjeeva Reddy’s successor, Damodaram Sanjeevaiah. But he was not happy under Sanjeevaiah’s tenure because he lamented he did not get that importance and respect as under Sanjeeva Reddy!
Another violation was surplus funds to the tune of Rs. 40 crores of Telangana were diverted to other purposes. It was no doubt violation but it is to be noted that it all happened under the very eyes and with the consent of KVRR and other senior Telangana ministers. Later a Bhargava Committee instituted into this matter, concluded that after the lifting of prohibition in Andhra region and the improved economic situation and later enhanced spending in Telangana, there was not much left in this grouse of deprivation of surplus funds. At any rate after 2000, especially after 2004, Telangana was recipient of more funds proportionately – the prime part in Andhra Pradesh went to this region. Now that cannot be raked up again but separatists do for their own nefarious ends.
Violation on the part of Telanganites was more serious. It was intended that Mulki Rules will be in force for only ten years or so, and that too only for subordinate services in public employment. But they continued to harp on it even in 1968-69 and we know about the agitations of 1969-72 etc. Finally in 1973 a historic accord was made, Mulki Rules rescinded and local area candidacy and zonal system was introduced. The names of regions was not even mentioned. This was to foster emotional integration. But the separatists now do not consider even those born and brought up in Telangana (or Hyderabad) as Telanganites until they are rooted from generations and do not have any trace of Seemandhra blood! Sheer discrimination by birth or ethnic/regional origin which is against all civilized norms.
Greatest violation is their unjustified attack on the people of the other regions. They are behaving like semi-fascists and soon will degenerate into full scale fascists. They are suppressing all history, erasing all traditional symbols of unity and goodwill, and spreading sheer hatred and animosity. It will take decades to undo this mischief being committed by these regional fascists.
So much for the present. Next issues next.
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A) Irrigation: The amount of water that goes from Godavari into bay of Bengal is criminal. I am all for damming it, be it in Telangana or coastal Andra Districts. But given the left wing/alternative media opposition to dams (esp with reservoirs), I wonder how popular this solution is. Also, it isn’t that the entire coastal Andhra districts have developed as compared to Telangana.
By the way, What should drive the irrigation projects, maximum benefit for citizens of the state or allocation based on regions?
B) Anger over Hyderabad being ‘Free for All’: Basically, the Telangana ‘sons of the soil’ ideology matches with Shiv Sena/MNS in Mumbai, which essentially boils down to that folks from other parts of the nation should be discriminated against.
The second concern is a bigger issue for entire India.
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Last night a friend called me and wanted me to file a writ petition in the High Court. He manages a software company. He spoke to me passionately about how the disruption of local train services is affecting the common man. He suggested that I file a case to protect the common man from the Bandh and the Strike.
My friend advised me that strike is bad. I seriously considered what my friend had to say. I could not sleep. If strike is bad, how does one protest? How does one challenge governmental apathy? How does one disagree with the government?
Several answers came to my mind. Please bear with my long list and forgive me if I am repetitive.
Maybe we should apply for leave (mind you, not just walk away from your office) and walk and squat on the roads. We will surely be a procession of atleast a million people. Such a procession will bring all the cars and buses to a standstill. We will disrupt traffic. The common man will be stranded on the roads. The children cannot reach their homes. There will be utter chaos on the roads. A procession on the roads is a bad idea.
Maybe we should stand on the pavements of our roads, hold placards and stand in silence. But then there are no pavements for our roads. We will again spill on to our roads and the traffic will come to a halt. The common man will be affected. A silent protest is also disruptive.
Maybe one should fast. Thousands will gather to see why one is fasting. There will be a law and order problem. The gathering will spill on the roads. There will be a traffic jam. The common man will be affected.
I still want to protest. How? Maybe women should not cook food, wash clothes and do the thousand myriad tasks in the household. Men will not like women shirking their duties. There will be violence and domestic peace will be destroyed. Workers and children will not have clothes to wear or tiffins to carry to their workplace and schools respectively. The manager will say “No Work, No Pay”. Children will be punished in the schools for being absent. The Common Man will be affected.
Maybe one should learn how to strike as well as work. It keeps spinning in the head. One does not know how to strike and to work. One becomes intractable to oneself. One such common man pours petrol and burns himself. The funeral procession to the burial ground will be on the main road. The traffic will halt. There will be scuffles. Stones will be thrown at the shining glass of the malls. Law and order will be disrupted. The Common Man will be affected.
Moral of the story: Strike is bad. Protest is equally bad. Protest is bad either at home, office or on the roads. It leads to violence, suicides, and disruption of law and order. The best path is to represent to the government our woes and complaints in the form of claims and petitions. We should wait for the state to respond. The government will be busy. It has the whole state to administer. We should wait. The government will decide what is good for you and me. After all we entrusted the job of protecting our life and property to the government.
What if the government does not respond? We should then move the courts and complain about how the government is not responding. Our constitution promises us that the judiciary will check the inactions of the administration, a founding principle of administrative law. But what if the courts hold that the government need not respond, that it is not mandatory for the government to respond to every claim moved by the citizen. What if the judiciary colludes with the executive? What if those fine lines of distinction between the judiciary, legislative and the executive collapse?
Do not be pessimistic. One should have faith in the law. One can go on appeal. The law is fair, neutral and objective. It is only a matter of time. There is no alternative. Any other path will result in the common man being affected.
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With due respect to your sarcasm, you fail to answer a simple question I had asked earlier. I’m not talking about inconvenience to citizens and all. I agree there are two sides to the coin and the argument will go on till the cows come back home. Though I fail to see the second side of the coin apropos the question I’m asking.
Why are the teachers in schools and colleges on strike? Why is the future of children being played with? Should protest be a blanket affair with no consideration for essential services? And when I say essential services, I don’t mean electricity, transport etc. I mean education & healthcare.
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I appreciate the concern about issues like irrigation and diversion of water for the use of Hyderabad City depriving the rural population. Some of these problems will never, ever go away. We have created three state entities called Tamilnadu, Karnataka, and Andhra Pradesh and yet there are persistent disputes about sharing of river waters. Similarly, there are disputes between India and Pakistan about sharing of water. We have liberated Bangladesh and we have dispute with them on the water issue. Now, we have problem with China on the issue of diversion of River Brahamaputra. If you are the C.M. or P.M. of Telengana, I would assure you that you will not be able to resolve this problem. By staying United, there is a chance for understanding and more could be accomplished.
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I did not notice one sentence of yours. So I reply: I am not from coastal Andhra. My birth Madras, childhood Kurnool and adolescence to this day i.e. about 50 years Telangana.
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Now that TRS can win all 110 seats in AP assembly, they should form government in 2014 with help from Jaganmohan Reddy and divert all resources of the state of AP to Telangana. And may be, continue doing this for the next 50 years because Telangana people will surely vote TRS to win in all the 110 seats for all subsequent elections forever. By asking for a separate Telangana state you are limiting yourself.
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@Bhagwanjagat: Those who promote unity have the responsibility of taking others along with them, by conceding, accommodating and agreeing to atleast some of the demands. The issue of river water share among the regions within linguistic states may not go away, unless a system is devised to ensure allocations fairly across the regions, to begin with. Perhaps that is where the people who want to keep AP ‘united’ should put in their energies.
@Sameer: Your concern about why school children and college teachers ‘should’ participate in this agitation is genuine which I share – but I am wondering why this particular section of population would consider itself separate from what is going on and continue their work?
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Simple. Because the professions of a teacher & doctor are what we’ve always seen as noble professions. They should rise above political & even personal interests and deliver. Its one thing to inconvenience the citizenry for a few days/weeks/months; its another to play with the future of children or the lives of the sick.
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Thanks for that response. We need to develop objective criteria to describe ‘fair allocation’ of river waters. We witness the same problem all over the world. The waters from Colorado River are diverted for the use of Los Angeles and practically no water flows into the California Bay. We have problems with sharing of Jordan River. People of Andhra Pradesh must show maturity and display wisdom to solve the problem of allocation. Cities and Urban centres get priority over rural areas as the interests of economic activity get preference. We need to understand the rights of individuals and individual freedoms in the context of conducting general strikes. In the United States, people still enjoy individual freedom of movement even if some people are on strike. Strike must not paralyze human freedom, human dignity, and human values.
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Why should our kids suffer? It is one month since the shools have closed.. What is the strike for? the betterment of eductaion in Andhra education was one of the major causes as it loses job oppurtunities to telengane people ..Now what is happening with all the schools being closed? It this called as a stepp for “betterment of eductaion”?
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Leave it Deepa. I’ve been asking this question on this post for a couple of weeks now and haven’t yet gotten any response except for a dismissive “I am wondering why this particular section of population would consider itself separate from what is going on and continue their work”, cloaked in a pretense of empathy. Its quite apparent that they don’t have an answer to this question and are not willing to own up to a flaw in their methodology of protest.
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@Deepa, Sameer and Ravi,
First, till now, as the agitating teachers have made it clear, the schools have lost 12 days in all. Combined with the Dasara vacation (26th-27th September to 10th October) it appears that the schools have been closed forever. There have been no attempts to forcibly close down the private and public schools that continued to function, despite the agitation. Agitating public and private school teachers have promised to complete the syllabus, once the schools reopen officially from 15th October, which is two days from now. (Under ‘normal’ conditions, almost all schools in AP complete the syllabus by December and revise it in the next three months. This ‘mantra’ is followed from 1st standard to 12th class) Prof.Kodandram, chairperson of JAC announced that this school closure issue would be reviewed tomorrow.
Two, after speaking a cross-section of parents and students who do not necessarily support the Telangana agitation, it appears that the picture is more complex. Not all students can be lumped together. Young children (till high school) and their parents are worried only in a minor way – managing them when they are out of school (or in the case of very young children – the fear that they would lose the habit of going to school). The students in professional colleges, many of which have been functioning ‘normally’, are not disturbed very much. Students of corporate Intermediate colleges (which have a 12-13 hour ‘normal’ day – from 8.00AM to 8.30 or 9.00PM) are (as one parent said tongue-in-cheek), ‘90% happy and 10% worried’ that the colleges have closed down. As far as university students are concerned, they have been in the forefront of agitation since the beginning, so it would be slightly impertinent to ask why they should lose their academic year!
Third, the underlying concern in both your questions is ‘why students should participate in politics rather than complete their education, get jobs and look after the family’. This is a political question that cannot be answered merely in terms of the right and wrong strategies of Telangana movement. The answer to this question would differ depending on one’s perspective on what ‘education’ is. For me a political agitation (of many kinds) is also a hugely educative experience, that cannot be obtained in nine to five schools, colleges and universities.
Fourth, as a parent of two school going children, I share the concern about the long breaks from school. As a social scientist from AP, I too am concerned about long term impact of such breaks on a generation. However, neither of these two positions allow me to assess what is going on in binary terms of good/bad or administrative (or a ‘police’ language) language of ‘essential services’. Further, both my perspective on education and the complexly layered situation on the ground tell me that I should desist from taking a ‘morally outraged’ stand on this issue.
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Suneetha : Some snippets of my conversations with my 6 year old daughter…
Me : What did you do at school today?
Her : Its a very bad school. We didn’t even finish our first term and they put us in the second term.
Me (trying to explain the situation to her) : Have you heard the name Telangana?
Her : Lots of times. Telangana chutti, Telangana Bandh, Telangana this, Telangana that. But I don’t know what it is.
Me : What do you do at home when there’s no school?
Her : I play, I cycle. But I miss my new friends. There’s no karate, no dance. Its so boring.
Our problem is not one of managing her. Its the second problem you have mentioned. Here’s a girl who loved going to school. She would be restless on Sundays and would want to play school school with anyone around. Suddenly, you see a marked difference in her attitude towards school. And that’s not trivial. I’m sure it’ll be no different for thousands of parents.
Now, you say that schools will “complete the syllabus” even after the breaks. What exactly is your understanding of “completing the syllabus”? Simply reading it out in class, expecting students to take hurried notes? Is that your understanding of education?
I understand and appreciate that you wouldn’t want to assess this deprivation that our children are going through in terms of good/bad. But why impose that line of thought on millions of others? Moreover, by referring to my assertion that education/healthcare are essential services as administrative/police language, you’re simply betraying your anarchist moorings. And despite my liking for the inherent idealism of anarchy, I feel that we’re still not ready as a society for it.
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CHANGE OF GUARD AND CHANGE OF NAME : It is apparent that the political party in power and others are not able to find a satisfactory solution and the continuation of strike is not in public interest. However, the passions may subside if action is taken to recognize the issues that pertain to identity and the problems attributed to governance. Firstly, we may address the identity issue by renaming Andhra Pradesh as Telangana Pradesh to give a representation to Telugu speaking people of the entire region of India. In the past, rulers seated in Telengana had ruled most of the Telugu speaking people. A change of guard would help to regain trust and confidence in the leadership that governs the State. Leaders of Telangana must be given a chance to address issues like diversion of water to Hyderabad metropolitan area, the allocation of river waters, and the execution of irrigation projects. In a modern and progressive society such as ours, the paralysis of services would be counterproductive and it would be a retrograde outcome. Services like Education suffer and students will not be able to compete with others in a fair and equal manner. Every citizen is entitled to fundamental rights and individual freedoms and rights must not be compromised in democratic governance.
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Sakala Janula Samme (All People General Strike) is one of its kind of General Strike which History has never witnessed. All the people from each and every walk of the life are participating in this strike. Today is the 30th day of the strike. It has been a month now. The Buses are off the road. All the Government Departments are closed (every Department including Healthcare, Animal husbandry, revenue, excise, forest, Judiciary, Municipality, Education, to name few). But both the Governments of AP and Central are not responding to the wishes of the Constitutional Demand of Telangana region. All the people of Telangana are on strike. Many are committing suicides in despair especially Students. With each and every passing day, Telangana is its Gems who are the future of Telangana. We, Telanganites, are unable to understand the delay. I do not want to go into detail of why we want Telangana, coz, if I start discussing the reasons my life may not be enough to type the details. I Urge each and every one to support the cause of Telangana because it is genuine. It will help us to come out of slavery. The word slavery might look huge to the outsiders, but the slavery looks very small a word to describe what we are through in the united AP. I urge you all my fellow country citizen of this great Republic of India to support the Secular and constitutional Demand of formation of TELANGANA state.
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Shops are open, film theaters are free to do business, and so are most of the other businesses and establishments. But all educational institutions are closed or forced
to close.The electricity generation in other states is being affected foricing them to
go for more power cuts. Travel plans are disrupted and public transport is affected.
Railways have to divert trains or cancel them. Final year studemts doing professional courses are worried because they may not get jobs through campus interview.
According to A. Suneetha, Vasudha Nagaraj, R.Srivatsan, Gogu Shyamala, Sarath Davala and R.V.Ramana Murthy, We should appreciate all this because ‘Telangana movement represents a far more advanced and democratized political understanding’.
Causing incovenience and applauding that in the name of ‘advanced and democratized political understanding” is a cruel joke.
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More and more people in Hyderabad especially, but even in Telangana in general, are realizing that this ‘Sakala Janula Samme’ is indeed ‘Sakala Janualapai Sammeta’ and the sooner this stupid frenzy is stopped or it fizzles out the better.
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Well Mr.Sharma…all “Samme’s” are supposed to cause public inconvenience.Even if we forget our mobile at home, we feel so inconvenient at office.I know only ppl who go thru Pain can understand other’s pain, Otherwise we indulge in giving big speeches, like you.
Here T-Ppl are fighting for the rights, which were out of their reach from generations right from the Rule of Qutubshahs to Neo- imperialist of today.It’s not abt Schools or kids, it is more about the Bread n butter, the basic need of humans.Whatever you get to see are the acts of protesting the high handedness and refusal to be governed by the ‘pariahs’.You can understand it better if you go through the Independence struggles of any nation or fight against the Apartheid around the world.Then whatever is happening , may sound a little sense to ppl like you.I repeat, all Samme’s do cause inconvenience,this is an acceptable form of protest in democracy, please browse on this for more info.
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There is widespread discussion about how children’s education and future is being disrupted due to the Telangana agitation. Schools were specifically closed as part of the Telangana agitation only for a week from September 19 to September 26. This was followed by the government announcing Dassera vacation upto 9th October. Several schools reopened on 10th October. All the four children in my household have started attending school.
Not all schools closed even during the high point of the agitation. However, many of us will be relieved that the Telangana Joint Action Committee will review its decision about exemption of schools from the protest.
But my point is that children will still suffer. Not all RTC workers have resumed duty. For all those thousands of children who depend on state transport, they will not be able to attend school. I am sure our next demand will be that RTC workers have to resume duties.
Today the Auto workers have given a call for a 72 hours bandh from the midnight of 14th October to coincide with the Rail Roko that will begin from the morning of 15th October. As we all know there are hundreds of children who do not take buses but depend on autos for transport to reach their schools.
The issue is being simplified when we insist that children should continue their education. An entire region has ceased work for the past one month. Whether we support this agitation or not we are surrounded by the culture of protest. it is inevitable that there is disruption of the normal schedules of life.
I am sure that none of us believe that school is the only forum of education. I have therefore taken this opportunity to educate my children that the right to protest is an integral part of democracy, that it is a fundamental right enshrined in the Constitution and also about how every war of independence was preceded by protest, strike and disruption of work.
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As I browse through the different responses to this post, I feel a little disembodied (the first term that came to mind was ‘spaced out’ but I felt it was inappropriate). There is a register much of the discussion seems to be missing for some reason — perhaps due to the close up view — so let me try to relate my own reactions here, as a non combative response.
One thing the Telangana movement (it has earned the respect of being called a movement) reminded me of, is the force of intractable protest. In my experience, this kind of protest was evident during the pro-Mandal agitation in the early 1990s in which I participated. There was something awe-inspiring about being part of a group of fifty or hundred people squatting at the traffic island in front of the AP state secretariat, holding an hour’s traffic of purpose, efficiency and productive zeal to ransom. How terrible, anti-public, anti-poor, anti-rational that was! And yet it was an important physical basis of feeling the consequences of refusal, for the kinds of intervention we who participated made, for more than a decade after. It stamped me indelibly as a future academic (I was an engineer then!) with political concerns. Some how, in the decade that followed, public protest was almost forgotten — we went about our increasingly efficient ways, avoiding public meetings, missing out on academic discussions, forgetting our political commitments to make time for more discipline and embodied compliance. Perhaps that’s what development is about. During his tenure as chief minister, Chandra Babu Naidu had tamed protest and made a special place for its celebration in front of TV crews–a place called Dharna Chowk. How ridiculous it seems to restrict political protest to a few minutes of sloganeering in front of TV cameras, at a Chowk named for that specific purpose! And yet, it was.
What happened with the Telangana movement was that this damning of protest burst. The state is reminded that however much coercion it has at its command, it can only govern to the extent the governed consent to be governed. Beyond that point, it has to tear off its mask and become ‘the oppressor’, and today’s state is somewhat hesitant about taking that extreme step in the Telangana context thus far. It seems as if there is too much at stake in that darling, exemplary, neoliberal state of Andhra Pradesh that will be lost in repressive measures. One sign of this from the very beginning is the use of rubber bullets and water cannons to disperse crowds. An encounter with these weapons are doubtless very painful, and make for a deeply terrorizing experience; yet they do not result in a ‘news-worthy’ atrocity which can inflame the public even more.
The second thing the movement reminds me of is the goddess Kali. Here is a protest that dances in your vision, a magnificent untamed being speaking in so many tongues and voices. There is a garland of suicides on its neck, and I feel morally paralysed by the possible directions it can take. What will happen to the Muslims in the old city when the TRS and the BJP join hands — will they be crushed underfoot? What will happen to the impoverished when the new mode of development follows –either with the establishment or the refusal of the new state? Will there be water for all to drink? Will there be a green revolution in the Deccan? Will endemic fluorosis become a faint memory? Is the correct predictive answer ‘all of the above’; ‘none of the above’ or any one of the above? What is the correct moral answer?
However much we raise our puny voices against or for it, the reality of the movement and its awesome/ful/inspiring consequences are beyond our grasp. We have no option but to wait and see what happens. And yet, as we tried to point out in our original article at the beginning of this conversation, there is undoubtedly a wide range of political protest that is drawn into this movement. The possibilities are open, refusing to be organized by any sublating synthesis. It is, simply put, scary. But that is perhaps what Kali the goddess is supposed to be.
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