Guest post by PRAMOD RANJAN

Few have noted that India’s much-discussed Gen Z student movement was started by young people from Bahujan communities. ‘Bahujan’ is a broad socio-political term for historically marginalised communities. The founder of the Cockroach Janta Party (CJP), Abhijeet Dipke, comes from a Dalit family. Bahujan communities were also prominently represented among the organisation’s early office-bearers. Many young Sikhs and Muslims, including Mohammad Junaid, played important supporting roles in the movement. Young people from dwija, or traditionally ‘twice-born’ upper-caste, backgrounds joined later as office-bearers.

The Cockroach Janta Party was launched on May 16, 2026.

On Jun 3, 2026, Saurav Das, Vijeta Dahiya and Ashutosh Ranka were appointed CJP spokespersons. Vaishnavi Gaur, Afreen Nawaz, Deepak Baliyan and Ratna Singh joined the spokesperson team on Jun 27, 2026.

At the National Working Committee meeting on Aug 6, 2026, Abhijeet Dipke became National Convener. Saurav Das and Ashutosh Ranka were appointed Co-Conveners. Deepak Baliyan was appointed co-in-charge of organisation and in-charge of the North Zone. Afreen Nawaz became National Secretary. Ratna Singh took charge of Legal Affairs, while Vaishnavi Gaur took charge of Research and Policy.

Most of these early CJP office-bearers come from non-dwija backgrounds—Dalit and OBC—and the ideological outlook of most of them also reflects the influence of Phule-Ambedkarite thought.

Early Office-Bearers and Their Social Backgrounds

Abhijeet Dipke is Dalit. Most published sources identify him as belonging to the Matang community, though some have described him as Mahar. His views on caste are discussed in greater detail later in this article.

Saurav Das, an investigative journalist by profession, is Bengali and comes from a non-dwija, or non-upper-caste, background. In Bengal, the surname ‘Das’ is used by several non-dwija communities, including Kayasthas, Namasudras, Kaivartas, Mahishyas, Vaidyas and other Dalit castes.

In Das’s writing and public statements, the strongest emphasis is on the defence of civil rights. On caste and reservation, he takes a social-justice position. He links Ambedkar to the Constitution, institutional integrity and the accountability of those in power. He is also concerned with protecting religious minorities and addressing hate speech.

Vijeta Dahiya is from the Jat community of Sonipat in Haryana. She has been particularly outspoken in her opposition to casteism.

In a video that surfaced during the CJP movement, Dahiya identifies herself as a Jat but says that she takes no pride in being one. Her argument is that a person has no role in the caste into which they are born and therefore has no reason to take pride in it.

In the same video, she says that Shudras have made the greatest contribution to building this country. From earthen pots to the idols in temples, she says, most things have been made by Shudras. They are also the country’s annadata—those who feed the nation. Some members of the Jat community opposed this statement, but she stood by it.

Her position on reservation is equally clear. “Casteism is the disease and reservation is its medicine. End casteism first, and reservation will disappear on its own,” she says. In her view, “Reservation is not a general poverty-alleviation scheme or an act of charity towards people regarded as weak. It is a means of ensuring representation for communities that have been held back by caste discrimination. Reservation remains necessary because caste inequality still exists in society.” She also argues that “reservation is not a complete solution to the problem, but it is a necessary part of the remedy.”

Deepak Baliyan of Alwar, Rajasthan, also comes from a Jat background. Baliyan is a gotra, or clan lineage, within the Jat community. He writes his full name as ‘Chaudhary Deepak Baliyan’.

Baliyan’s concerns centre above all on farmers, rural communities, and people who are exploited, deprived or neglected. He expresses respect for the Constitution and Ambedkar, and has supported movements defending Adivasi (Indigenous or tribal) identity and forests.

Ashutosh Ranka comes from the Jain-Oswal trading community. He studied at an IIT and entered politics after leaving a highly paid job at the multinational consulting firm McKinsey. In public life, he too has supported women’s empowerment and social justice. In one post on X, he writes: “Jai Bhim is not a slogan of Dalits. Jai Bhim is the slogan of every true Indian who believes in equality.” During the Jantar Mantar protest, he was seen telling his fellow Gen Z protesters: “From now on, we will use only four slogans: ‘Bharat Mata ki Jai’ (‘Victory to Mother India’), ‘Inquilab Zindabad’ (‘Long live the revolution’), ‘Jai Bhim’, and ‘Dharmendra Pradhan, resign’.” In an older Facebook post, he wrote: “In this very lifetime, I will prove that politics can be practised without caste—and can be won without caste as well.”

Vaishnavi Gaur is a Brahmin from Uttarakhand. She has not expressed any notable public position on the caste debate, but her stance on equality in education and opportunity is clear. Speaking to CNN, she described education as “the decisive basis of intergenerational mobility” in India. She has also spoken about the rising cost of education, shrinking employment opportunities, the accountability of democratic institutions, and the need to visit villages to understand the problems facing young people.

Afreen Nawaz is a Muslim woman from Bengaluru, though information about her biradari, or community subgroup, is not available. An entrepreneur with an MBA, she left the corporate sector, according to ThePrint, to work on issues concerning students and young people. Her politics centres on employment, education and youth participation. She has also been outspoken about women’s participation in the movement. “Let history remember us for the cause we stood for,” she has said, “and let it remember what every woman who came to Jantar Mantar stood for.”

Ratna Singh is from Lucknow in Uttar Pradesh. A lawyer and former legal journalist, her caste cannot be determined from her surname alone: ‘Singh’ is used among Rajputs, Dalits, backward castes, Sikhs and many other communities.

No clear independent public statement by Singh on caste or reservation is yet available. In her statements, however, she places particular emphasis on equal opportunity in education and employment, the freedom to dissent, and equal political participation for women.

These caste details are not given in order to reduce the identities of these office-bearers to their castes. The purpose is to understand the organisation’s social composition.

This is especially important because a section of the media has portrayed the movement as upper-caste-led, while there is confusion about its social character among Dalit and backward-caste communities as well. One TV9 report claims that Brahmins form the largest group among its office-bearers. Several social media posts have described the movement’s success as a victory of the upper castes. For instance, S. K. Chaubey of Delhi, associated with politics centred on Savarna and Brahmin interests and with the “Remove Reservation” campaign, claimed in a Facebook post that people joined the movement because its leadership was upper-caste. “The Savarnas may be few in number,” he wrote, “but because of their dedication to society, society as a whole stands with them.” After the movement’s success, he added, “the government will now have to think about whether it wants to impose a law like the UGC measure or scrap it.” Clearly, these claims are not only factually wrong; they have been fabricated with the intent to deceive. In fact, Devendra Nath Mahto, who later went on a hunger strike in Ranchi over these very issues, also belongs to the Kudmi/Kurmi-Mahto (OBC) community and identifies with the ideology of social justice.

Caste, Reservation and Ambedkar

From the outset, the CJP described itself as a “secular, socialist, democratic and anti-caste organisation” and said its ideology was inspired by Gandhi, Ambedkar and Nehru. It left no place for icons such as Vivekananda, Savarkar or Tilak.

At that time, Abhijeet Dipke’s caste was not a subject of public discussion.

On May 21, 2026, a user on X asked him why the CJP did not spell out its position on reservation (India’s affirmative-action system of quotas), Dalit issues and social justice. Dipke replied:

“I am a Dalit myself. I hope that will answer all your questions.”

As soon as his Dalit identity became public, casteist comments began to appear. He was branded ‘anti-merit’. Some accused him of playing the caste card in politics. Later, Dipke spoke about these questions more clearly.

Speaking to the media about reservation in Chhatrapati Sambhajinagar on Aug 3, 2026, Dipke said:

“If a child from a deprived background is getting an education, what is wrong with that? Our goal should be to educate as many people as possible.”

In the same conversation, he said:

“Why do we say that reservation has reduced the number of seats? We should demand that the government increase the number of seats. Why do people who speak so much against reservation not speak with the same force against the management quota?”

Dipke did not blame reserved categories for the shortage of seats. Instead, he demanded that the government expand opportunities. He also questioned the management quota, where admission is secured on the basis of money and social standing. It attracts far less opposition than reservation.

For Dipke, reservation is not a concession handed out to a community. He sees it as a means of securing education, representation and opportunity for disadvantaged people.

In an interview with India Today in August 2026, he said:

“I am an Ambedkarite, and I will remain an Ambedkarite.”

According to Dipke, Ambedkar does not belong to any one community; he is a leader for all Indians, and one of the figures who shaped modern India.

When he arrived in Delhi, Dipke was carrying My Autobiography, a collection of Dr Ambedkar’s writings and speeches. At the Jantar Mantar protest, he told activists that they could raise slogans invoking Gandhi and Ambedkar, but should avoid slogans that could push the movement towards religious politics.

When the resignation of then Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan was announced, Dipke held up a portrait of Dr Ambedkar. After ‘Bharat Mata ki Jai’ (‘Victory to Mother India’), he raised the Ambedkarite slogan ‘Jai Bhim’. Later, he changed his social media profile picture to an image of the Constitution of India. Ambedkar and the Constitution are not merely objects of private reverence for him. Both are part of the public political language of his movement.

In an interview with Frontline, Dipke said:

“I come from a Dalit family. That is why Dr Ambedkar has had such a profound influence on my life. If I am sitting in Boston today, it is because he secured for us the right to equality and the right to live with dignity.”

Speaking about his family’s aspirations, he said:

“Our dreams were very small. We only dreamed of studying engineering or pursuing a BSc and getting a decent job at some company. That was the upper limit of our aspirations. Did I ever think I would reach Boston? No.”

Telling the story of his father, he said:

“My father came from a very poor family. There was a drought in Maharashtra in the 1970s. My family did not even have enough to eat, so he had to leave school. Three years later he returned to school and completed a diploma. Because he benefited from reservation, he became the first engineer from his village. That is why I am sitting in America today.”

Abhijeet does not attribute his success to individual hard work alone. He believes that Dr Ambedkar’s struggle, the constitutional right to equality, and the opportunities created through reservation made his family’s journey possible.

When Dipke arrived in Pune in July 2026, he visited the historic Phule Wada to pay tribute to Mahatma Jyotiba Phule and Savitribai Phule. During the CJP movement, he was also presented with a portrait of Savitribai Phule.

One more point deserves attention. From Jun 20, 2026 to Jul 25, 2026, the CJP’s Gen Z movement at Jantar Mantar was marked above all by ‘Jai Bhim’ slogans and blue flags.

In this connection, the assessment of Newslaundry journalist Avdhesh Kumar, who was covering the protest at Jantar Mantar, is worth noting. He wrote on X:

“During the CJP protest on 20 July, one thing kept drawing attention: the chants of ‘Jai Bhim’. They were far from isolated. When the police were lathi-charging students and throwing stones in Connaught Place, the slogans rang out repeatedly. Yet the movement was discussed largely through the lens of paper leaks, police baton charges and political confrontation. Hardly anyone tried to view it from a Dalit perspective. We should ask: which social groups make up the largest share of those preparing for competitive examinations? For which communities is a government job not merely employment, but a path to social respect and economic security—a step beyond the previous generation? … I think this may be why the Jai Bhim slogans were so loud that day. This was not merely a movement about a paper leak. It also needs to be understood as a struggle for opportunity, equality and justice.”

In fact, the attacks on the media during the Gen Z protests also need to be understood from a Bahujan perspective. Mainstream Indian media has long been dominated by upper castes; surveys conducted years ago by Anil Chamadia and the author of this article established this. From Kanshi Ram to Dalit and backward-caste politicians such as Lalu Prasad, Mayawati and Akhilesh Yadav, the issue has repeatedly been raised.

The attacks on and boycotts of the media are directed against its Brahminical ideology; this needs to be understood in greater depth. The fundamental reason for people’s hostility towards the media is its support for a political force that promotes upper-caste supremacism.

Social Base and Historical Context

In any event, these developments have deep historical significance in Indian politics and deserve attention.

Perhaps for the first time in Indian politics, we are seeing a Dalit-led student platform that upper-caste and backward-caste youth alike have come to regard as their own. Its public-facing leadership does not appear to be confined to any one narrow social group. Dalits, backward castes, Jats, Muslims, people from tribal backgrounds and possibly people from upper-caste backgrounds are all present on the same platform.

If we look at earlier movements, Dr Ambedkar had many non-Dalit intellectuals and associates around him. But no large section of upper-caste society accepted him as its political leader. He was respected as the architect of the Constitution. Yet his politics of social equality and the annihilation of caste never received broad support among the dwija, or traditionally ‘twice-born’ upper castes. Non-Dalits could be his associates, but the movement’s leadership and principal social base lay within Dalit society.

The Republican Party of India did not define itself as a party of Dalits alone. It claimed to represent all oppressed communities. Even so, its actual mass base remained largely Dalit, especially among Maharashtra’s neo-Buddhist, or Ambedkarite Buddhist, community.

Kanshi Ram’s movement was built on the independent political consciousness of Bahujan society. In its early phase, upper castes were not part of its social base. Later, under the rubric of ‘social engineering’, the Bahujan Samaj Party brought Brahmins and other upper castes into its fold. That was primarily an electoral partnership. It was shaped by electoral calculations involving candidate selection, representation, power and political gain. Its character was different from the more organic social acceptance that seems possible in the Cockroach movement today.

The situation is different in the case of the Cockroach Janta Party. Young people from different social backgrounds have not joined merely to support Dalits on a specifically Dalit issue. They have come together on a platform led by a Dalit founder around shared concerns: unemployment, exam irregularities, education, democracy and accountability.

If this coming together crosses caste boundaries, these young people are not merely ‘allies’ of the Dalit community. They see the movement and its leadership as their own.

The position taken by Dipke and his associates on reservation is important in this context. They did not adopt an anti-reservation position to satisfy a widely held sentiment among upper-caste youth. They supported reservation, raised the issue of education for disadvantaged children, and demanded that the government increase the number of seats. This was an important test of the movement’s social character—but not the final one.

The Cockroach Janta Party is a new and rapidly changing movement. It would be premature to pass a final judgement on its social character. Yet the question matters: is this merely a political movement, or does it also point to a deeper change in Indian society?

(Pramod Ranjan is a writer, journalist and academic. In 2009, he conducted a caste survey of Bihar’s media, published as a booklet titled Media Mein Hissedari [Representation in the Media].)

Translation note: This article was originally written in Hindi. The English translation was prepared by the author with assistance from ChatGPT.

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