Category Archives: Violence/Conflict

Where there is no police: Kumar Rana

This is a guest post by KUMAR RANA

Where there is no police – what a wonderful state that would be. It’s a place that many have dreamt of, at least at some point of time if not all through the life. What a wonderful land that would be where one can eat or fast,  sleep or remain awake,  work or rest, move in or move out  completely freely, where her wishes would not be monitored by the police. So the episodes in Khejuri in East Medinipur and Lalgarh, in West Bengal, had apparently made some of the citizens happy: what a relief, there is no police.

But, alas, it was only a dream. Because there was the state and a state without police is as alive as a dead animal, the khaki was quickly replaced by lungi or jeans, and the gun by perhaps more lethal AK47 and its sort.
Continue reading Where there is no police: Kumar Rana

Maoist Violence in Lalgarh, West Bengal, Must be Condemned

The inevitable has happened. As soon as the election results came out and the wall of fear collapsed and mass anger against the ruling CPM became evident, the Maoists waiting in the wings have come out into the open. However, what is happening today in Lalgarh and other parts of West Bengal cannot be justified by pointing at the CPM’s totalitarian terror in the Bengal countryside.

According to reports, the violence, killings of CPM activists and members, especially in Lalgarh, has now acquired unprecedented proportions. CPM members are being driven out of their homes or killed. The offices of the party have been targeted on a large scale, not just in Lalgarh but elsewhere in West Bengal.

Continue reading Maoist Violence in Lalgarh, West Bengal, Must be Condemned

Don’t do unto others, what they do to you

Do I sound like a liberal simpleton when I criticize or condemn the violence that has been unleashed in Khejuri by the ‘people’ led by the Trinzmul Congress?

Offices belonging to the CPM have been razed to ground, burnt down and vandalized. Photographs of people tearing away grills from the windows of these offices and carrying them as ‘booty’ with smiling faces tell you that the same old story is being repeated. The plot remains the same; only the hunted have turned into hunters and the hunters of the past are now running for cover.

Roads to Khejuri are blocked, ministers and leaders of the CPM turned away, again by ‘the people’. The police as usual stands mute witness as they have been trained in this state not to go against the ‘will of the people’. How does it matter to them that now these people do not belong to the CPM, masters for last three decades? They have learnt to follow, not the law, but the party. And these days in Nandigram Trinamul is ‘The Party’. And the enemy territory of Khejuri has also been annexed. Victory is complete. Continue reading Don’t do unto others, what they do to you

Lathi, Charged

I gather that the Uttar Pradesh police has become especially sensitive to crimes against Dalits after the Lok Sabha debacle of the ruling Bahujan Samaj Party. I gather that the head of the state police is now flying dowin in his helicopter to areas that are reporting serious atrocity cases, routinely suspending his department’s employees in-charge of the area. I gather that Dalits going to the police station in UP’s villages are no longer being told, ‘Do a compromise. Why do you want to complicate matters? After all inter-caste harmony is needed to make Behenji Prime Minister!’ Continue reading Lathi, Charged

Elementary Aspects of Popular Insurgency in West Bengal

Violence has erupted once again. This time in Khejuri – a place in the vicinity of Nandigram, which was the base from where the CPI(M) launched its operation ‘recapture Nandigram’ on 14 March 2007. This was the red fort where the arms were collected and the goons brought in to liberate Nandigram. As one news report had put it:

‘Along with arms and ammunition, CPM flags and helmets of the kind worn by police were seized from the hideout, triggering suspicion that the men had donned uniforms and joined security forces on the day of the firing. Cellphones found on them showed they were in touch with senior CPM leaders, sources said.’

Khejuri is also the place where, just a little over a month ago, violence had flared up again. This time it was followed by the killing of Prasanta Mondol and the alleged rape of his wife. Prasanta Mondol was one of those who had left the CPI(M) two months ago and become one of the important Trinamool Congress (TMC) leaders in Khejuri. The spiral unleashed by that round of violence has continued through till after the election results were out. Continue reading Elementary Aspects of Popular Insurgency in West Bengal

Are ‘careers’ more important than lives?

Continue reading Are ‘careers’ more important than lives?

Faith, religion, ritual, identity, dogma – how do I understand this?

I walked into Anjali’s  house. She lives in one of the Rehabilitation and Resettlement colonies in Bombay which were developed to provide housing for slum dwellers and railway slum dwellers affected by the creation of roads infrastructure in Mumbai. Her house is a one-room tenement. She has created a litte bedroom space by placing a large showcase unit which separates the living room and the bedroom. I sat down to talk with her when my eyes fell on the Mecca-Medina mosque photograph which was placed on the wall facing her kitchen, above her newly purchased washing machine. For a moment, I was not sure if I had seen correct. Then, while continuing the talking, I glanced carefully again. It was the Mecca-Medina mosque photograph which is usually found in the homes of Bohra Muslims, Shias, Iranis and Sunnis as some kind of a visible mark of religion or show of faith and practice (or perhaps something else, I am not sure). I was both intrigued and amused. Continue reading Faith, religion, ritual, identity, dogma – how do I understand this?

तिअनानमेन चौक, नन्दीग्राम और एक मक़्‍तूल सपना

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कभी फ़ैज़ अहमद फ़ैज़ ने ‘सीज़र डेड इज़ मोर पावरफ़ुल दैन सीज़र अलाइव’ की तर्ज़ पर पैट्रीस लुमुम्‍बा के बारे में कहा था कि ‘एक मक़्‍तूल लुमुम्‍बा ज़िंदा लुमुम्‍बा से ज़्‍यादा ताक़तवर होता है’।  और एक मक़्‍तूल सपना? या वह सपना देखने वाली ज़बरन सुला दी गई अनगिनत आँखें? उस ख़्‍वाब के बारे में क्‍या कहिएगा फ़ैज़ साहब, जिसका क़त्‍ल करने के लिए उसे देखने वालों को ही टैंकों तले रौंद दिया गया हो? तिअनानमेन चौक पर आज से बीस बरस पहले जिस ख्‍वाब का क़त्‍ल हुआ था, जिन ख्‍वाबीदा आँखों की रौश्‍नी हमेशा के लिए बुझा दी गई, वह सपना कितना ताक़तवर है यह अभी दुनिया का देखना बाक़ी है। अभी तो दुनिया ने उसकी एक बानगी भर देखी थी: तिअनानमेन का ख़ून अभी सूखा भी न था कि समाजवाद के नाम पर फहरा रहा परचम – क्रॉन्‍श्‍टाड्‍ट के नाविकों से लेकर हंगरी 1956, चेकोस्‍लोवाकिया 1968 और न जाने कितने गुज़िश्‍ता तिअनानमेनों के ख़ून से लथपथ परचम – यकायक नोंच कर नीचे उतार दिया गया। जिनके दिमागों पर ताले लगे हैं वे कितना ही चिल्‍ला चिल्‍ला के कहते रहें, यह किसी साम्रज्‍यावादी की साज़िश का नहीं, ग़ुज़रे दिनों के प्रेतों का कारनामा था जो ख़ुद शासकों के ज़मीर में इस तरह जम कर बैठे थे कि वहाँ भी, अचानक किसी गोर्बाचोव का पैदा होना लाज़मी था जो ऐलानिया तौर पर यह कहने का माद्दा रखता कि बिना जम्हूरियत के समाजवाद हो ही नहीं सकता। और जैसे ही जम्हूरियत की तरफ़ क़दम बढ़ाते हुए उसने ज़रा सा ढक्कन हटाया, वैसा ही ज़माने से धधकता लावा फट कर सामने आ गया। एकबारगी ताश के महल की तरह वह पूरा का पूरा निज़ाम ही ढहा के ले गया। Continue reading तिअनानमेन चौक, नन्दीग्राम और एक मक़्‍तूल सपना

Chinese memories

Suddenly the other day, on the 3 of June 2009, in a bizarre flash of memory I went back two decades ago, June 3 1989. As is well known, hundreds of students in Beijing had begun a protest a few months ago with wide-ranging critiques of the regime – more democracy, end to corruption and workers rights. They were joined by workers, office goers, Beijing residents, local party officials, just about everyone else. Soon the protests had spread all over China, there were demonstrations everywhere. A Chinese friend of mine was in Tiananmen Square, the main centre of the protests. He later told me – “we were all giddy, everyone traveled free in trains to Beijing, people helped us with food and water on the streets, we sang the Internationale and all the old revolutionary songs, suddenly they felt real not false…” All went to Beijing.

For many on the left in India, China occupies a peculiar, proximate place. The events of 1956 in Hungary and 1968 in Czechoslovakia, when Soviet tanks crushed uprisings, did not cause the storms they did in the European left. But China was different – it was in Asia, a large peasant society with an old civilization, and the site of one of the great revolutionary transformations that had begun in the nineteenth century. China had to be different. When the Naxalite militants scribbled ‘China’s path is our path’ or ‘Listen to Radio Beijing’ on the walls of Calcutta in 1969, they were probably out of their mind, but only just.
Continue reading Chinese memories

Lakshman Seth and the Sheriff of Nandigram: Raghu Karnad

NOTES FROM NANDIGRAM

This is a guest post by RAGHU KARNAD

May 17, 2009
Beauty is all about the details, and these beautiful election results keep parading out sweet new details for our appreciation. What I’m currently delighted about is the voters of Tamluk in West Bengal dispatching their Communist MP, Lakshman Seth.

Seth has been in the Lok Sabha since 1998, stashin’ away the crores and adding fortifications to his eerie headquarters in Haldia. People say he did a good job of developing the Haldia port. Sure enough, if the business of America is business, then the industriousness of Lakshman Seth is directed purely towards industrialization. How come? Seth is also Chairman of the Haldia Development Authority. Because he allegedly gets a cut out of every industrial operation on his turf (what we dissertation-writers call ‘rent-seeking’). There’s a theory that this is why Nandigram was chosen as the site for the Salim plant, and why the resistance was so bitterly punished when the siege fell (but this is just very plausible hearsay).

Continue reading Lakshman Seth and the Sheriff of Nandigram: Raghu Karnad

When a Guinness world record isn’t news

Every little entry from India in the Guinness Book of World Records makes it to our Delhi papers. But, a recent one didn’t. News editors are proud patriots.

Making Sense of the Ravi Dasis: Surinder S. Jodhka

The recent attack on the head of Dera Sachkhand Ballan in one of their gurudwaras in Vienna and the ensuing shoot-out between Dalit and non-Dalit Sikhs, spilling over in India into angry street demonstrations in Jalandhar by followers of Dera Sachkhand and other Dalit bodies, forces us to confront the question of caste in contemporary Punjab. We asked SURINDER S. JODHKA, sociologist and Director, Institute of Dalit Studies, who works in this area, to give us a background note.

The Dera Sachkhand Ballan is one of the most important Guru Ravi Das Deras in Punjab today. Ravi Das was a 15th century saint of the Chamar caste whose message is constructed by his contemporary followers in a modern language that foregrounds questions of caste oppression and the  fight against the prevailing structures of authority and the Brahmanical moral order.  In his piece here, Surinder gives us a historical background to the emergence of this movement, and brings us to the point of the 1990s, when the “diasporic energy” of Ravi Dasis who had emigrated to the UK and Europe, gave a boost to the movement both at home as well as in the diaspora, where Ravi Dasis had found things to be no different. In the alien context, with no systemic justification for caste ideology, the Punjabi Dalits did not expect to be reminded of their “low” status in the caste hierarchy, says Surinder, but facing systematic discrimination from wealthy Jat Sikhs, were forced to set up their own autonomous organizations and their own gurudwaras. Continue reading Making Sense of the Ravi Dasis: Surinder S. Jodhka

‘Either we finish what we started, or get finished’

The most dangerous and worrying feature in the last two weeks is the resurgence of visceral anti-Maoist politics.

The line between the liberals and right wing has suddenly blurred and they are united in their hatred of the former rebels. The Kathmandu middle class, a part of which gave the benefit of doubt to the Maoists in the polls, had to cough up concessions under Baburam Bhattarai’s fiscal regime. With the recent video revelations, they have veered away even further. The urban lower middle class suffered during eight months of misgovernance with price rise, and collapse of services and is hoping the next government may provide some relief.

The army establishment has reasserted itself and is actively hatching plans to undermine Maoists. Most of the press, with ownership and editorial staff affiliated to ‘mainstream’ parties’, is toeing the NC-UML line. And erstwhile sympathisers in the Indian establishment are now sick of what they see as Maoist duplicity – the recent rediscovery of the ‘nationalist’ rhetoric has put them off further. Continue reading ‘Either we finish what we started, or get finished’

जारी है ‘जनपक्षीय हिंसा’ का तान्डव

खबर मिली है कि छत्तीसगढ़ में माओवादी हमले में ग्यारह से ज़्यादा पुलिस के जवान मारे गए हैं. इस महीने ऐसी हत्याओं की संख्या पचास से अधिक हो गयी है. इसके साथ ही बंगाल के चुनाव में हिंसा के समाचार किसी भी दूसरे राज्य से अधिक मिले हैं. बंगाल की हिंसा में  संसदीय राजनीति में भाग लेने वाले एक मार्क्सवादी दल के सदस्य शामिल हैं.संसदीय राजनीति को  भटकाव बताने वाले और उसे रणनीतिक रूप से इस्तेमाल करने वाले, दोनों तरह के मार्क्सवादी या माओवादी दलों को हिंसा के अपने इस्तेमाल के जायज़ होने में कोई  शक नहीं है.दोहराव का खतरा उठाते हुए नंदीग्राम और सिंगुर में सीपीएम की हिंसा के पक्ष में उसके बुद्धिजीवियों के तर्कों को याद कर लेना  उचित होगा.इन तर्कों में एक तर्क रक्षात्मक हिंसा का था. इस बार चुनाव में अपने पक्ष में न होने के लिए सीपीएम ने नंदीग्राम में हत्याएं कीं और तृणमूल कांग्रेस के कार्यकर्ताओं ने सीपीएम के समर्थकों को  मारा.बंगाल के पिछले एक साल के अखबार को उठा कर देख लें, हिंसा उस समाज के स्वभाव को परिभाषित करती जान पड़ती है.
Continue reading जारी है ‘जनपक्षीय हिंसा’ का तान्डव

‘Our’ Violence Versus ‘Their’ Violence

The first three phases of the 200 Lok Sabha elections have passed off peacefully. When we say peacefully, we do not take into account the killings of poll officials and police personnel involved in election related work by the Maoists. The Maoists gave a poll boycott call in areas where they thought they are strong but were not heeded by the people. Even many tribals of Lalgadh in Bengal decided to risk their lives to exercise their hard earned right to vote defying the Maoist boycott call. Unable to convince the masses, the Maoists have resorted to the old strategy of ambushing poll parties and burning and demolishing of public properties to register their presence. Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh, Orissa, Maharashtra, Bihar and Bengal have been witness to violence by armed groups of Maoists. Interestingly, we have not seen any statement by them owning up to these acts. Continue reading ‘Our’ Violence Versus ‘Their’ Violence

Sri Lanka: A Tragedy Foretold – Rohini Hensman

guest post by ROHINI HENSMAN

Once a forest fire is raging, putting it out is difficult, and an enormous amount of destruction is inevitable. The same is true of the war in Sri Lanka. Even over the past fifteen years, there were several chances to prevent this tragedy, but only a tiny minority of those who are now grieving over the dead and injured were arguing then that a failure to take these chances would lead to a bloodbath. Continue reading Sri Lanka: A Tragedy Foretold – Rohini Hensman

The resignation aftermath

This entire crisis complicates politics for the simple reason that no side feels that it has lost. Don’t mistake this for a win-win situation. It is a situation where all sides are smug, their ambitions are stoked, and they are even more unwilling to make any concessions.

This has actually been a problem right since the 12 point deal. The king got dumped. But besides that, no actor has had to relent on their fundamental interests and give concessions.

The army, after a temporary cooling-off period, was rehabilitated and its privileges were protected. For GP Koirala, April 2006 was a moment to take over the state apparatus and keep the seat warm for his daughter, while protecting the interests of the NC class base. The Maoists saw the entire process, and the polls, as a tactical victory on way to state control.

In the last fortnight, this tenuous situation has only got more retrenched. The NA’s political role and links and divisions within may have got totally exposed. But the top brass feels they have won a huge victory and will be even less amenable to civilian control. The Maoists may not have succeeded in throwing out Katawal, but they feel they have won a moral victory by resigning and are complacent that the political stalemate cannot be resolved without them. UML and MJF think this is their chance to lead the government. And NC is already thrilled at the money that will come with the ministries. Continue reading The resignation aftermath

The nationalist Delhi media and elections in Kashmir

How free can an election under the gun be?
How free can an election under the gun be?

There are times when nationalism supercedes journalistic objectivity. Such interesting times are often witnessed in the Delhi media’s relationship with that ‘integral’ part of India called the Kashmir valley, as we have seen before.

And this time:

If the participation of the people in the J&K assembly elections was a vote for India why is the non-participation this time being attributed to broken promises… [Naser A. Ganai]

On April 30 the turnout in the Anantnag constituency as in many other parts of the country was low, but the contrast in how the story was reported (and framed) in the national press, and in the local English press in Srinagar is significant. [Sevanti Ninan]

What next in Nepal?

Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal ‘Prachanda’s resignation on Monday afternoon once again reveals how the Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) is different from any other ‘mainstream’ party that inhabits the Nepali political landscape. Most observers, including this writer, fail in assessing the Maoists correctly because we end up using the same categories, attribute the same motivations, and expect similar tactics from them as from other political actors.

The PM’s resignation came after a two week long political thriller leading up to the executive’s decision to dismiss Army chief General Katawal and appoint General Kul Bahadur Khadka in his place. Continue reading What next in Nepal?

Ajmer Blasts: Revisiting Hindutva Terror

It has been more than one and half years that the great Sufi shrine of Khwaja Moinuddin Chishti based in Ajmer, Rajasthan, which is equally revered by the Hindus and Muslims, reached headlines for unforeseen reasons. On 11 th October 2007 it witnessed a bomb blast which saw deaths of two innocents and injuries to many. In fact it was for the first time in its few centuries old history that blood of innocents lied splattered in those areas where thousands and thousands of people use to gather daily to offer their prayers.
As was the routine procedure then – when Hindutva terror had not reached headlines – a few fanatic Islamist groups were blamed for this ignoble incident. There were interrogations, arrests, quite a few people were illegally detained supposedly to extract their confession for this act. Media was not to be left behind, it had juicy stories about the plans and the execution of this inhuman and barbaric act, and definite clues about its real ‘masterminds’ remote controlling from across the border. Witch-hunting of the community went on for a while. And as usually happens in such case(s), after some initial hullabaloo Ajmer blasts were relegated to the inner pages of newspapers in one small corner. People also lost interest. Perhaps they had more exciting news awaiting them. Continue reading Ajmer Blasts: Revisiting Hindutva Terror

हिंसा की राजनीति के पैरोकार

२००९ के लोकसभा  चुनाव की अगर इसके पहले दो चरणों के आधार पर कोई खासियत बतानी हो तो कहना पडेगा कि समाज के पारम्परिक शक्ति संतुलन में विचलन के भय से तथाकथित ऊंची जातियों के द्वारा पहले  जो हिंसा होती थी, वह नहीं दिखी. बिहार और अन्य स्थानों पर चुनाव के वक्त बूथ पर होनेवाला खूनखराबा इस बार नहीं हुआ. फिर भी इस बार हत्याएं हुईं. और ये हत्याएं हिंसक वर्ग-युद्ध में विश्वास रखनेवाले माओवादी समूहों ने कीं. बिहार, झारखंड, ओडीसा, छत्तीसगढ और महाराष्ट्र में इन समूहों के द्वारा हत्याएं की गईं, सार्वजनिक स्थलों को जलाया गया और दहशत फैलाई गई. पूरी ट्रेन का अपहरण कर लिया गया और अपना शक्ति प्रदर्शन करके फिर उसे छोड़ दिया गया. इस बीच उसके यात्रियों को जो भयंकर मानसिक यंत्रणा हुई होगी उसके लिए माओवादियों के पास कोई सहानुभूति का शब्द नहीं है. बंगाल में   सी.पी.एम. ने अपने हिंसक अहंकार में सिंगुर और नांदीग्राम और  उनके बाद लालगढ में जो कुछ किया उसने माओवादी समूहों को बंगाल में अपनी पकड मजबूत करने का मौका दिया. अब ये खबरें आम हैं कि बंगाल के गांवों और कस्बों में लोगों को सी.पी.एम. की सदस्यता छोड्ने को मजबूर किया जा रहा है और बात न मानने पर उनकी हत्या तक की जा रही है. ऐसी ही हत्याएं पिछले  साल बिहार  और झारखण्ड में की गयी थी. क्योकि माओवादी मारे गए लोगों  को ‘गलत पार्टियों’ में रहने नहीं देना चाहते थे. बंगाल में सी.पी.एम. की हिंसा का विरोध करनेवालों को शायद सी.पी. एम. के कार्यकर्ताओं की हत्या में  एक प्रकार का प्राकृतिक न्याय होता दीख रहा हो, वरना क्या वजह है कि अब तक इन हत्याओं की और दल छोडने को बाध्य करने की इस तरह की घटनाओं की कहीं से कोई भर्त्सना नहीं सुनाई पडी है !

“हिंसा को किसी भी तरह जायज नहीं ठहराया जा सकता ,चाहे  उसका औचित्य कुछ भी क्यों न दिया जाए.” पिछ्ले दो साल से माओवादियों को मदद पहुंचाने के आरोप में जेल में बंद बिनायक सेन ने हाल में एक पत्रकार को यह कहा जब उसने माओवादी हिंसा के बारे में उनसे सवाल किया. बिनायक जब यह बातचीत कर रहे थे, उनके चेहरे पर वह दाढी नहीं थी  जिसने उन्हें एक रूमानी शक्ल दे रखी थी. दाढीविहीन  होकर भी बिनायक उतने ही आकर्षक लग रहे  थे, हालांकि उसके होने से जो एक रहस्य की आभा उनके इर्द-गिर्द थी, वह नहीं रह गयी थी.
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