Category Archives: Debates

Capitalism, Debates

Virtuous Feedback: Why Google keeps winning

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This is in response to Anu’s comment on my previous post on Google: Search and Destroy.  I started off responding as a comment, but had been planning a follow-up post on the issues she had raised.  Read the first post and her comments here.

Anu’s queries are centred around the stability of Google’s current market dominance  – namely, can a new entrant do to Google what Google appears to be doing to Microsoft? In an industry of constant innovation, what is to say the next big innovation – in search, or in data storage etc – won’t come from somewhere completely unexpected and upend the Google applecart?

These arguments are in essence the arguments that Google has consistently cited – this is not to say that this is problem: these are very good arguments with no clear answers and are the reason that Google is still around in its present form and has not been split into many smaller Googules.

The stability of near-monopolies is actually a very interesting question – one that a lot of MBA classes spend a lot of time over. There might be a bit of jargon in this post, but I think its worth the effort.

On Competition: Despite all the rhetoric about competition making us stronger, the fact is that most businesses hate competition.  The key to successful business is create a market and then erect enough barriers to entry to make life hell for new entrants. The better the barriers, the greater are your profit margins.  So, are there barriers to entry in Google-land – or is it simply a case of being better than everyone?

Continue reading Virtuous Feedback: Why Google keeps winning →

Debates, Everyday Life

Cancer I can’t Afford – Erica Rex

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Finding out I had breast cancer came as a shock. But the really rude awakening was learning I’m not middle class anymore.

I found a lump in my breast last March. This wasn’t like the lumps of my youth. Those earlier iterations had been hard as pebbles, painful, nested between my sternum and the base of my breast. They had come and gone with my monthly cycle.  This new lump, a lima bean in size and shape, lay recumbent, a half-inch south of my right nipple, just under the skin. And it didn’t hurt. At all. When I pressed on it, it seemed to dip, as though
bobbing on water.

Click here to read the rest of this article by the marvellous Erica Rex.

Capitalism, Debates

Search and destroy: Google and the online ad market

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Google spokesperson, Adam Kovacevich’s favourite example of a well-researched article on the now-aborted Yahoo-Google deal is “The Plot to Kill Google” that appeared in Wired Magazine in January 2009.  The lengthy article takes great pains to reveal Microsoft’s attempts to scupper “a small deal that it [Google] was convinced would benefit consumers, the two companies and the search-advertising market as a whole” and paints Google a company of well-meaning nerds whose only fault is their inability to schmooze with powerbrokers in Washington.  Towards the end however, one gets the feeling that Google seems to have a robust team of lobbyists itself.  The article is co-written by a member of the New America Foundation – a think-tank chaired by Google CEO Eric Schmidt.
Continue reading Search and destroy: Google and the online ad market →

Culture, Debates, Technology

The horror, the horror: India’s new IT act

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An article from last week’s Outlook magazine on the new cyber law makes the following points:

Debates, Everyday Life, Identities, Politics, Sex

Teachers and Academics Against 377

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University teachers, researchers and academics from all over India issued a strong statement in support of the recent Delhi High Court judgement decriminalizing consensual sex among adults and challenged the legitimacy of “religious leaders” to speak for the whole of society.

180 signatories from institutions and universities in Allahabad, Calicut, Peechi, Punalur, Thiruvananthapuram, Kottayam, Sonipat, Goa, Jammu, Nanded, Mumbai, Pune, Pondicherry, Kolkata, Ahmedabad, Baroda, Chennai, Chandigarh, Delhi, Bangalore, Hyderabad, Guwahati and Shillong endorsed a statement that said:

Continue reading Teachers and Academics Against 377 →

Culture, Debates, Sex

धारा 377, यौनिकता और नेहरू – संतानोत्पत्ति से परे

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[अगर आप मोज़िल्ला फायरफ़ॉक्स के ज़रिए नेट देखते हैं तो पढ़ते वक़्‍त फ़ॉंट बढ़ाने के लिए Ctrl + का इस्‍तेमाल करें]

धारा 377 अब स्वेच्छा से यौन संबंध बनाने वाले समलैंगिकों पर लागू नहीं होगी. दिल्ली उच्च न्यायालय के इस निर्णय ने भारतीय समाज की नैतिकता की परिभाषाओं की चूल हिला दी है. फैसला आने के बाद हिन्दू , मुस्लिम और अन्य धार्मिक समूहों के कई नेताओं ने इसे खतरनाक बताया है और इसके खिलाफ उच्चतम न्यायालय तक जाने की धमकी दी है. कुछ तो जा भी चुके हैं। सरकार को भी कहा जा रहा है कि वह इस फैसले को चुनौती दे. अब तक के सरकार के रुख से ऐसा कुछ नहीं लग रहा कि वह इस दबाव के आगे झुकेगी.

फैसला ऐतिहासिक है. इसका सबसे महत्वपूर्ण पहलू यह है कि यह एक विशेष संविधान को स्वीकार करके अपने-आपको एक राष्ट्र-राज्य के रूप में गठित करने वाले जन-समुदाय के रहने-सहने और जीने के तौर-तरीकों को निर्णायक रूप से उसके पहले के सामाजिक आचार-व्यवहार से अलगाता है. यह आकस्मिक नहीं है कि न्यायाधीश ने अपने फैसले के लिए जिन राष्ट्रीय नेताओं के दृष्टिकोण को आधार बनाया , वे हैं जवाहरलाल नेहरू और भीमराव  अम्बेडकर.  नेहरू औपनिवेशिक शासन से मुक्ति के बाद एक नए भारत के लिए आवश्यक  नैतिक और सांस्कृतिक बुनियादी तर्क खोजने की कोशिश कर रहे थे. इस खोज में सब कुछ साफ–साफ दिखाई दे रहा हो, ऐसा नहीं था और हर चीज़ को वे सटीक रूप से व्याख्यायित कर पा रहे हैं, ऐसा उनका दावा भी नहीं था. नेहरू के जिस वक्तव्य को फैसले में उद्धृत किया गया है, उसमें  भी शब्दों की   जादुई ताकत के  उल्लेख करने के साथ यह भी कहा गया है कि वे पूरी तरह से एक नए समाज की सारी आकांक्षाओं को व्यक्त कर पाने में समर्थ नहीं. वे निश्चितता से भिन्न विचार और मूल्यों के एक आभासी लोक की कल्पना करते हैं. राजनेता का विशेष गुण माना जाता है, फैसलाकुन व्यवहार. नेहरू, इसके बावजूद कि एक तानाशाह बन जाने के लिए उनके पास सारी स्थितियां थीं , हमेशा इससे बचते रहे कि चीज़ों को साफ-साफ और  अलग-अलग खाचों में डाल दिया जाए.
Continue reading धारा 377, यौनिकता और नेहरू – संतानोत्पत्ति से परे →

Culture, Debates, Everyday Life, Genders

My son Jane: Moira McDonald

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Guest post by MOIRA MCDONALD (Written three years ago).

“I want to be Jane,” repeats my two year old, this time bringing his face very close to mine for special emphasis.  “He has to be Michael. Michael is the boy” says his nearly four year old sister Naomi who is oh-so aware of her budding gender identity.  “Honey, you know in our family, anyone can pretend to be anything.  Someday you may want to pretend to be boy, or a cow for that matter,” I explain. She shrugs agreeing to his choice as long as she can be Mary Poppins.   I wish the contradictions surrounding gender identity were as easily resolved for the other adults in our lives.

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Culture, Debates, Law, Sex

Why I Feel For B.P. Singhal

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In the aftermath of the Delhi High Court judgement reading down Section 377, the initial euphoria and celebration is now being increasingly met with an equally strong backlash. Some of this has of course come from the religious right of all denominations (Hindu,Muslim, Sikh, Isayi Apas mein sab bhai bhai), the army, politicians, conservative commentators in the press. Underlying much of the oppositions seems to be a sense that somehow the decriminalization of homosexuality is going to turn everyone gay, a sentiment that sounds bizarre to us.

But now that I have been thinking about this I think I am beginning to understand the fear that is articulated in this “homosexuality-as-contagious-virus” position. Because in one sense they are right. In his post Lawrence speaks of the radical politics of impossibility – the change in the law suddenly makes possible a new set of imaginary possibilities that we could not dream of hitherto. And so BP Singhal and Dominic Emmanuel and everyone else who is saying that the presence of the law performs a stellar function against the rise of a virtual army of gay people and must remain on the books, even if, and indeed especially because, it is never used against actual real gay people, have a point. Continue reading Why I Feel For B.P. Singhal →

Bad ideas, Debates, Identities, Politics

Historic Mandate, Historic Turning Point or More of the Same? Gail Omvedt on Elections 2009

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Guest post by GAIL OMVEDT

The 2009 Lok Sabha elections in India were projected to be a historical turning point just as the 2008 Presidential elections in the U.S. were a turning point.  But the nature of that expected turning point was very different.

Five years ago, even two years before the elections, no one in the U.S. would have expected that a “Black” man with two Muslim names and one African name could have been elected President of the United States.  Yet it happened, and it happened not simply because Barack Husain Obama ran a brilliant campaign and is proving the most effective president in dealing with the economic and social crises besetting the world today, but also because of the racial transformation the U.S. has undergone in recent decades. Continue reading Historic Mandate, Historic Turning Point or More of the Same? Gail Omvedt on Elections 2009 →

Bad ideas, Debates, Identities, Media politics, Movements, Sex

The Day After the Judgement

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So now that we have one group of criminals less to deal with, I have a proposal: Criminalize English TV news channels.

'Debate,' the Times Now way
‘Debate,’ the Times Now way

Watching Times Now yesterday after the Delhi High Court ruling on Section 377, I was overcome by a growing sense of bewilderment. I could hear Dominic Emmanuel (Director of the Delhi Archdiocese of the Roman Catholic Church) and Kamal Farooqui (Chairman of the Delhi Minorities Commission), saying quite cearly and more than once, to my surprise, that they welcome the decriminalization of homosexuality, that homosexuals should not be treated as if they were criminals. Okay, correct that – I could barely hear these statements over the insistent, aggressive and disruptive interruptions  of the anchor Arnab Goswami, who had obviously pre-set this “discussion” rigidly as a face-off between Reactionary Clerics/Minorities and Gay Rights Activists, while he himself was super hero, Anchorman. So each time they said “we welcome” etc.,  Anchorman would swoop in, bellowing, “So are you saying that they dont have rights, Sir, are you saying they should not have rights. Over to Anjali Gopalan (Naz) – Anjali, they say homosexuals should not have rights, what do you say?”

Continue reading The Day After the Judgement →

Bad ideas, Debates, Everyday Life, Genders, Politics, Sex

“The Magic of the Human Spirit and of a Nation’s Passion”: Three Queers for the Delhi High Court!

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So – here we are folks, in a historic judgement this morning, Delhi High Court has read down Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code to exclude consensual sex among adults. Congratulations to the group of tireless activists who have helped to bring this about, and congratulations to all of us who count ourselves as part of the queer community. Continue reading “The Magic of the Human Spirit and of a Nation’s Passion”: Three Queers for the Delhi High Court! →

Bad ideas, Debates, Frontiers, Movements, Politics

Iran: Inquilab Zindabad?

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Once upon a time, only a hundred or so years ago, and earlier, Iranians were our neighbours. Many were friends, relatives – uncles, grandparents, ancestors, some were husbands, wives and lovers. And cities like Delhi, Lucknow, Murshidabad and Hyderabad spoke Persian better than they spoke English, or even Hindi. The distance from Tehran and Isfahan to Delhi, Lucknow and Lahore, or across the water from Bandar Abbas to Bombay or Karachi, in miles and in the imagination, seemed less than what we can even begin to understand today.

The Bengal renaissance had one of its points of origin in a Persian broadsheet called Mirat ul Akhbar published by Ram Mohan Roy in Calcutta. The first Iranian talking film and the last ‘Irani’ restaurant both have their origins in Bombay. The Sabk-e-Hindi, or the ‘Indian Style’ continued to adorn the more ornate fringes of Persian poetry in Iran. The miniatures painted in the ateliers of Delhi and Agra owed a great deal to the paints, brushes, colours and visions of visiting masters from Tabriz. The sitar and the sarod came from Iran, and stayed on. We shared jokes and stories, poets, prophets and pranksters, wine and spices, surnames (Kirmani, Rizvi, Mashadi, Yazdi) and clan histories, heresies and wisdom and a thousand other things that neighbours, friends, cousins and lovers share.

Continue reading Iran: Inquilab Zindabad? →

Debates, Genders, Sex

On the Eve of Pride. Are We Going the Right Way: Akhil Katyal

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This is a guest post by AKHIL KATYAL

Topicality is a homage one pays to the short-term memory that the new media both triggers and complains against in its customers. In the long-term of course, where trend is all important, the topical is only a category of the banal. But it is under the shelter of such a necessary topicality – the topical is always necessary – that I hope to sneak in a scandal.

Everyone is talking about the queer pride marches that are going to happen in four cities in India at the end of this month. Most liberal reportage is obviously supportive, if not triumphant. For these cities themselves, it is seen as a step into a liberal urban culture which tolerates, even enjoys difference. All the talk about the ‘gay community’ or ‘lgbt community’ that the Indian media – and the activists – have been dabbling in for at least a decade now, seems to be reaching its logical climax: the community is expressing itself. Every city seems to have its own pet lgbt community or at least aspires to.

Continue reading On the Eve of Pride. Are We Going the Right Way: Akhil Katyal →

Debates, Genders, Government, Identities, Politics, Theory

Reservations for Women: ‘Am I That Name?’

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[I am posting here the chapter from my book – Recovering Subversion. Feminist Politics Beyond the Law – that I referred to in response to demands for references on my previous post on the WRB.  I do apologize to those (including fellow-kafilaites!) who may rightly feel I have said enough on the topic.

The title of this chapter is a tribute to Denise Riley’s question “Am I that name?” referring to the label “Woman.” Am I That Name? Feminism and the Category of ‘Women’ in History Minneapolis, University of Minnesota Press, 1988].

When the Women’s Reservation Bill (WRB) first appeared as the 81st Amendment Bill in 1996, proposing to reserve 33% of seats in Parliament for women, it burst into public discourse full-blown as a “women’s” (indeed, a feminist) issue, and continues to be debated largely in terms of women’s rights. It is becoming increasingly clear however, that the questions thrown up by the timing of the Bill and the responses to it cannot be understood solely within the framework of women’s rights. This chapter attempts to relocate these questions in a complex matrix of political identities in order to realize their full significance. I also argue that the debates around the Bill reveal a more fundamental set of questions about the issues of citizenship, representation, and the subject of feminist politics.

Continue reading Reservations for Women: ‘Am I That Name?’ →

Debates, Politics, Right watch

जे पी आन्दोलन की भूल

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नीतीश कुमार आलोचना से परे हैं. इतिहासकार, राजनीतिशास्त्री, समाजवैज्ञानिक या पत्रकार, अभी सब नीतीशजी के गुणगान में व्यस्त हैं. इसलिए आश्चर्य नहीं हुआ जब जे.पी. आन्दोलन से जुड़े लोगों के लिए बिहार के मुख्यमंत्री ने पेंशन की घोषणा की, तो कहीं से आलोचना का कोई स्वर नहीं सुनाई पडा, एक जनसत्ता की सम्पादकीय टिप्पणी को छोड़कर. खबरों में यह बताया गया था कि कांग्रेस विरोधी उस आंदोलन में जो जेल गए या घायल हुए, उन्हें पेंशन दी जाएगी. जनसत्ता ने ठीक ही यह प्रश्न किया कि क्या जयप्रकाश के नेतृत्व वाले उस आन्दोलन को भारत के स्वाधीनता आंदोलन के समतुल्य माना जा सकता है. यह सवाल भी अपनी जगह ठीक था कि अगर बिहार अर्थ-संकट से जूझ रहा है, तो इस बेतुकी योजना के लिए पैसे कहाँ से निकल आए!

जे.पी. आन्दोलनकारियों के लिए पेंशन की इस योजना का लाभ किस एक दल या संगठन के लोगों को सबसे ज़्यादा मिलेगा, अंदाज करना कठिन नहीं है. राष्ट्रीय स्वयं सेवक संघ या तत्कालीन जनसंघ और अब भारतीय जनता पार्टी के सदस्य इस आंदोलन में बड़ी संख्या में थे. बल्कि यह आंदोलन पहला ऐसा बड़ा मौका था, जिसने आर.एस..एस और जनसंघ को राजनीतिक मान्यता दिलाने का काम किया. जयप्रकाश आर.एस.एस. के खतरनाक स्वभाव से परिचित न रहे हों, यह आरोप उनपर नहीं लगाया जा सकता. फिर भी कांग्रेस विरोध की राजनीति के कारण जयप्रकाशजी को आर.एस.एस. के साथ काम करने में हिचक नहीं हुई. १९७४ के पहले १९६७ वह बिंदु है, जिसे आर.एस.एस. को राजनैतिक वैधता दिलाने के सन्दर्भ में याद रखना चाहिए. कांग्रेस विरोध के प्लेटफार्म पर समाजवादियों और वामपंथियों को जनसंघ के साथ आने में कोई परेशानी नहीं हुई थी. तात्कालिक राजनीतिक यथार्थ और बाध्यताओं की दुहाई दी जा सकती है और इस तरह के गठजोड़ के पक्ष में तर्क दिए जा सकते हैं. लेकिन क्या हम यह मान लें कि जनसंघ को राजनीतिक और आर.एस.एस. को सामाजिक वैधता दिलाने का परिणाम भारत को आगे जा कर भुगतना था, इसकी कल्पना करने की क्षमता जयप्रकाशजी में नहीं थी! अभी इस आन्दोलन की सम्यक समीक्षा होना बाकी है, लकिन मैं २००३ के दिसम्बर महीने में एक साथ तीन राज्यों में भारतीय जनता पार्टी की जीत के बाद रांची के अपने मित्र, जे.पी. आन्दोलन के पहले दौर के कार्यकर्ता, पत्रकार फैसल अनुराग की बात भूल नहीं पाता हूँ. उन्होंने बड़ी तकलीफ के साथ कहा कि मैं अब सार्वजनिक रूप से यह कहने को तैयार हूँ की जे.पी. आंदोलन एक बहुत बड़ी भूल का शिकार था.
Continue reading जे पी आन्दोलन की भूल →

Debates, Genders, Government, Identities, Politics

And aren’t OBC women “women”? Loud thinking on the Women’s Reservation Bill

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The career of the Women’s Reservation Bill in Parliament since it first appeared in 1996 as the 81st Amendment Bill, has been striking for the high drama and rhetoric of women’s rights that has accompanied it, the passionate opposition to the proposed 33% reservation for women in Parliament, generally being characterised by its supporters as anti-women and patriarchal. However, if we try to organize the welter of arguments that have been flying around for 13  years, we would find that while the proponents of the measure certainly base their claims on the idea of gender justice, the opposition to the Bill does not come from an anti-women position.  Rather, the latter arguments stem from either

1) a generally anti-reservation position (which I am not interested in here) or

2) a claim that reservations for women should take into account other disempowered identities within this group – that is, the “quotas within quotas” position, which says that there should be reservation within the 33% for OBC and Muslim women. (The 22.7% reservation for SC/ST women would come into operation automatically.)

In other words, the sharp opposition to the Bill cannot simply be dismissed as anti-women. Continue reading And aren’t OBC women “women”? Loud thinking on the Women’s Reservation Bill →

Debates, Left watch, Politics, Violence/Conflict

तिअनानमेन चौक, नन्दीग्राम और एक मक़्‍तूल सपना

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कभी फ़ैज़ अहमद फ़ैज़ ने ‘सीज़र डेड इज़ मोर पावरफ़ुल दैन सीज़र अलाइव’ की तर्ज़ पर पैट्रीस लुमुम्‍बा के बारे में कहा था कि ‘एक मक़्‍तूल लुमुम्‍बा ज़िंदा लुमुम्‍बा से ज़्‍यादा ताक़तवर होता है’।  और एक मक़्‍तूल सपना? या वह सपना देखने वाली ज़बरन सुला दी गई अनगिनत आँखें? उस ख़्‍वाब के बारे में क्‍या कहिएगा फ़ैज़ साहब, जिसका क़त्‍ल करने के लिए उसे देखने वालों को ही टैंकों तले रौंद दिया गया हो? तिअनानमेन चौक पर आज से बीस बरस पहले जिस ख्‍वाब का क़त्‍ल हुआ था, जिन ख्‍वाबीदा आँखों की रौश्‍नी हमेशा के लिए बुझा दी गई, वह सपना कितना ताक़तवर है यह अभी दुनिया का देखना बाक़ी है। अभी तो दुनिया ने उसकी एक बानगी भर देखी थी: तिअनानमेन का ख़ून अभी सूखा भी न था कि समाजवाद के नाम पर फहरा रहा परचम – क्रॉन्‍श्‍टाड्‍ट के नाविकों से लेकर हंगरी 1956, चेकोस्‍लोवाकिया 1968 और न जाने कितने गुज़िश्‍ता तिअनानमेनों के ख़ून से लथपथ परचम – यकायक नोंच कर नीचे उतार दिया गया। जिनके दिमागों पर ताले लगे हैं वे कितना ही चिल्‍ला चिल्‍ला के कहते रहें, यह किसी साम्रज्‍यावादी की साज़िश का नहीं, ग़ुज़रे दिनों के प्रेतों का कारनामा था जो ख़ुद शासकों के ज़मीर में इस तरह जम कर बैठे थे कि वहाँ भी, अचानक किसी गोर्बाचोव का पैदा होना लाज़मी था जो ऐलानिया तौर पर यह कहने का माद्दा रखता कि बिना जम्हूरियत के समाजवाद हो ही नहीं सकता। और जैसे ही जम्हूरियत की तरफ़ क़दम बढ़ाते हुए उसने ज़रा सा ढक्कन हटाया, वैसा ही ज़माने से धधकता लावा फट कर सामने आ गया। एकबारगी ताश के महल की तरह वह पूरा का पूरा निज़ाम ही ढहा के ले गया। Continue reading तिअनानमेन चौक, नन्दीग्राम और एक मक़्‍तूल सपना →

Debates, Identities, Politics, Right watch

To RSS with Love: The Real Story of 2009 Elections

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If news reports are to be believed, the RSS has come out with the most classic analysis of the 2009 election verdict: Advani did not enthuse the Hindus. [Read carefully: He could but he did not. A small boy, kal ka chhokra, Varun Gandhi had to lead the way!] Only a shade better than the West Bengal CPM claiming that they lost because Karat and the central leadership withdrew support to the UPA…as if they themselves – or Nandigram had nothing to do with it! Or the Kerala CPM claiming that it was due to chief minister Achuthanandan that they lost – Achuthanandan the agent of the bourgeoisie who ‘roared with laughter’ when the party was losing the elections! Or Sitaram Yechury claiming that UPA won because they claimed the credit for NREGA and Forest Rights Act which ‘we had forced them to enact’ – but ‘we’ lost! Amazing stuff, these elections and even more amazing, the post-election antics. But today’s topic is not the CPM. For, the real story is the RSS and BJP love story that is once again on the rocks.

RSS spokesperson MG Vaidya was forthright: “The BJP must reflect Hindu nationalism or else it is free to remain as any other party not associated with the Sangh… What’s wrong if people have gathered the impression that the BJP uses the Ram temple issue only for political gains?… The mainstream in this country is Hindu and the RSS is engaged in unifying Hindus. The BJP or any other owing allegiance to the Sangh must reflect this philosophy in its deeds.”

Continue reading To RSS with Love: The Real Story of 2009 Elections →

Culture, Debates, Everyday Life, Politics

साधारण की उदात्तता यानि जनादेश 2009

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2009 के लोकसभा चुनाव के नतीजों ने कुछ लोगों को हतप्रभ किया है और अनेक को चमत्कृत. इस जनादेश की व्याख्या इस रूप में की जा रही है कि भारत की जनता ने विकास को तरजीह दी है और इस बडी मंदी के दौर में अपेक्षाकृत सुरक्षित चुनाव किया है. हमारे एक मित्र का कहना है कि इस असुरक्षा के समय में जनता जो हाथ में है , उसे ही संजोए रखना चाहती थी. भारतीय जनता पार्टी और तथाकथित तीसरे मोर्चे के ऊपर कांग्रेस के नेतृत्व वाले गठबंधन को चुनने के पीछे बिजली-पानी –सडक और जान-माल की हिफाजत की रोज़मर्रा की चिंताएं ज़रूर रही होंगी, लेकिन क्या यह इतना ही था? साधारण जनता क्या सिर्फ मामूली सवालों में ही उलझी रहती है और कभी अपने रोज़मर्रेपन से ऊपर नहीं उठती? बार-बार उसे इसी हद में बांधकर देखने की कोशिश की जाती हैहालांकि उसने कई बार यह बतलाया है कि उसके मुद्दे सिर्फ वही नहीं हैं जो व्याख्याकार बताते रहे हैं. साधारण जनता की उदात्तता की आकांक्षा आखिर किस रूप में व्यक्त होती है?

भारत में मोहनदास करमचंद गांधी ने शायद सबसे पहले साधारण के भीतर छिपी इस उदात्तता को ठीक-ठीक पहचाना था और उसका आदर किया था. क्रांतिकारियों या फिर कम्युनिस्ट विचार रखने वालों को साधारणता पर सन्देह ही था.
क्रांतिकारियों ने इसीलिए चुने हुए लोगों के दस्ते बनाए और कम्युनिस्ट खुद को जनता के एक अगुआ दस्ते के रूप में पेश करते रहे. शास्त्रकारों या सिद्धांतकारों को भी साधारणता को समझने में काफी दिक्कत होती रही है. इसलिए उनकी दिलचस्पी उन कोटियों के निर्माण में रहती है जो आसानी से सामूहिक आचरण की व्याख्या करने में सहायक हों. पिछले बीस वर्षों में भारतीय जनता के सारे निर्णयों को पहचान की कोटि के आधार पर समझने की कोशिश की गई है. यहां यह नहीं कहा जा रहा कि यह कोटि या इस तरह की सैद्धांतिक कोटियां बिलकुल अप्रासंगिक हैं, सिर्फ यही कहने की कोशिश की जा रही है कि इस प्रकार की किसी एक कोटि में किसी समूह को शेष कर देने से हम उसके भीतर छिपी सारी सम्भावनाओं को नज़रअंदाज़ देते हैं.
Continue reading साधारण की उदात्तता यानि जनादेश 2009 →

Bad ideas, Debates, Left watch, Politics

वाम के खिलाफ अवाम: ईश्वर दोस्त

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This is a guest post by ISHWAR DOST. Ishwar is a Left activist and journalist. He works with Jansatta.

एक वक़्त था जब नंदीग्राम माकपा के बर्ताव से अचंभे और सदमे में था। आज पूरे बंगाल में बुरी तरह खारिज कर दिए जाने पर माकपा की यही स्थिति है। कभी नंदीग्राम पीड़ित के रूप में उभरा था, आज माकपा और उसके साथ और पीछे खड़ी पार्टियों की पीड़ा समझी जा सकती है। नंदीग्राम और सिंगूर के एक स्थानीय घटना बन कर रह जाने की माकपाई उम्मीद अचानक खत्म हो गई। नतीजे बताते हैं कि नंदीग्राम की पीड़ा के साथ बंगाल के देहात ने ही नहीं, शहर कोलकाता ने भी साझा किया है। किसानों के साथ हुए हिंसक सलूक से कोलकाता के बुद्धिजीवी ही नहीं, आम लोग भी हिल गए थे।

नंदीग्राम अब माकपा की पीड़ा और छटपटाहट को समझ सके, इसमें शायद काफी देर हो गई है। ऐसा कभी हो सके, इसके लिए माकपा और उसके पीछे चलने वाली पार्टियों को सारे अहंकार छोड़ कर एक पुरानी पीढ़ी के किसी कम्युनिस्ट की तरह नंदीग्राम तक सिर झुकाए आना होगा। सत्ता और सफलता का अहंकार पीड़ा को समझने और उससे जुड़ने की क्षमता नष्ट कर देता है। इस अहंकार ने कम्युनिस्टों की एक वक्त की नैतिक, ईमानदार और जज्बाती होने की पहचान को कमजोर कर दिया है। Continue reading वाम के खिलाफ अवाम: ईश्वर दोस्त →

Debates, Everyday Life, Identities, Politics, Violence/Conflict

Making Sense of the Ravi Dasis: Surinder S. Jodhka

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The recent attack on the head of Dera Sachkhand Ballan in one of their gurudwaras in Vienna and the ensuing shoot-out between Dalit and non-Dalit Sikhs, spilling over in India into angry street demonstrations in Jalandhar by followers of Dera Sachkhand and other Dalit bodies, forces us to confront the question of caste in contemporary Punjab. We asked SURINDER S. JODHKA, sociologist and Director, Institute of Dalit Studies, who works in this area, to give us a background note.

The Dera Sachkhand Ballan is one of the most important Guru Ravi Das Deras in Punjab today. Ravi Das was a 15th century saint of the Chamar caste whose message is constructed by his contemporary followers in a modern language that foregrounds questions of caste oppression and the  fight against the prevailing structures of authority and the Brahmanical moral order.  In his piece here, Surinder gives us a historical background to the emergence of this movement, and brings us to the point of the 1990s, when the “diasporic energy” of Ravi Dasis who had emigrated to the UK and Europe, gave a boost to the movement both at home as well as in the diaspora, where Ravi Dasis had found things to be no different. In the alien context, with no systemic justification for caste ideology, the Punjabi Dalits did not expect to be reminded of their “low” status in the caste hierarchy, says Surinder, but facing systematic discrimination from wealthy Jat Sikhs, were forced to set up their own autonomous organizations and their own gurudwaras. Continue reading Making Sense of the Ravi Dasis: Surinder S. Jodhka →