कहीं ऐसा तो नहीं कि ‘सांस्कृतिक मार्क्सवादी’ और ‘वोक पीपल’ (Woke People) को लेकर संघ सुप्रीमो की ललकार एक तरह से उत्पीड़ितों की दावेदारी और स्वतंत्र चिंतन के प्रति हिंदुत्व वर्चस्ववाद की बढ़ती बेचैनियों को ही बेपर्द करती है.
मुल्क की दारूल हुकूमत अर्थात राजधानी दिल्ली- आए दिन कुछ न कुछ सेमिनार, संगोष्ठियां, विचारोें के अनौपचारिक आदान-प्रदान की मौन गवाह बनी रहती है. आम तौर पर वह ख़बर भी नहीं बन पाते, अलबत्ता कुछ तबादले खयालात कभी-कभी सुर्खियां बन जाते हैं.
पिछले दिनों यहां के भव्य ताज एम्बेसेडर होटल में एक विचार-विमर्श चला, जो अलग कारणों से सुर्खियां बना. आयोजक के चलते और जिस मसले पर वहां गुफ्तगू चली उसे लेकर. दरअसल इसका आयोजन भारतीय जनता युवा मोर्चा ने किया था, जो आम तौर पर ऐसी बौद्धिक गतिविधियों के लिए जाना नहीं जाता है.
दूसरी अहम बात थी कि इस विचार-विमर्श में अमेरिका, जर्मनी और चंद अन्य पश्चिमी मुल्कों के कई अनुदारवादी, रूढ़िवादी विचारक, अकादमिशियन जुटे थे और भारत के शिक्षा संस्थानों से जुड़े कई अकादमिशियन भी थे. बातचीत किन मसलों पर चली इसके आधिकारिक विवरण उपलब्ध नहीं है, लेकिन इतना तो समाचार में सुनने को मिला है कि वहां ‘वोकवाद’ (Wokeism-वोक़िज़्म) पर भी बातचीत चली थी. ( Read the rest of the article here)
How Mohan Bhagwat’s exhortation that ‘cultural marxism’ and ‘woke people’ are spoiling India’s ethos betrays Hindutva Supremacism’s real agenda vis-a-vis assertion of the subalterns and independent thinking
‘A spectre is haunting the Conservative world – the spectre of Wokeism’
The brainstorming by conservatives from US, Germany and other Western countries along with academics from India is over. The host was Bharatiya Janata Yuva Morcha (BJYM) the youth front of the ruling dispensation here namely BJP – which loves to call itself ‘the biggest organisation of youth in the world.’
One does not know whether the organisers had put any such banner regarding the ‘spectre’ or not but few of the available details of meeting tell us that the gathering did discuss ‘wokeism’ apart from other issues.
BJYM’s sudden waking up on the challenge of ‘wokeism’ is not difficult to understand.
It could be easily traced to Sangh Supremo Mohan Bhagwat’s exhortation in his Vijayadashmi Speech – few months back – wherein he had castigated ‘cultural marxists’ and ‘woke people’. in no uncertain terms, who according to him were ‘spoiling Indian ethos’. He even accused them of undermining education and culture, promoting conflicts and disrupting social cohesion. ( Read the full article here)
“They took so much away from us that they ended up taking away our fear” — Message scrawled on a placard in a women’s march in Spain
’How does Justice feel?’
A difficult query to answer but perhaps Bilkis Bano would be the best person to respond to it.
Yes the same Bilkis – survivor of a mass rape and the only witness to horrific massacre of her 14 relatives – when the state she lived witnessed a carnage when officially one thousand innocents perished in the communal pogrom and many thousands were displaced from their homes and were condemned to live as internal refugees.
One can still recollect her words when the highest courts of the country finally cancelled the remission of sentences to her perpetrators who had been convicted for this heinous crime. [1].
She frankly narrated her feelings before a reporter.
’It feels like a stone the size of a mountain has been lifted from my chest, and I can breathe again. This is what justice feels like.”
Last month, on the 21st of January 2024, a young woman, an assistant public prosecutor at a lower court in the district of Kollam in Kerala, took her own life, after sending out one last desperate plea — calling for justice after her death at least. She revealed through audio clips that fighting for justice at her workplace had worn her out completely. Her words brought out the rot infecting the institution of public prosecution (the stench of it is very much in the air, actually, unbearable it has become, though our political leaders and social justice motormouths seem to largely ignore it).
The sounds raised by Bulldozers demolishing ‘illegal Mosque and Madarasa’ in Haldwani, on 8 th February evening, which have resulted in few deaths and injuries to several people which includes even policepersons as well, are now over.
Peace seems to be returning and life seems to coming back to normal ..
No doubt violence of any kind cannot be justified and people’s opposition to government’s steps should always remain in the bounds of constitution…
……Question arises, whether a judicial enquiry preferably under a retired judge of the Supreme Court will be ordered so that a clear picture of the whole incident emerges and one may better comprehend, how an area which was site a peaceful mass movement merely a year back, a movement which was joined by civil society activists, writers etc, suddenly changed colour.
A Joint Statement and Appeal issued by people’s organisations, intellectuals and concerned citizens from Uttarakhand about the violent incidents on 8 th February
( This is an attempt at English translation of the original statement issued by writers, journalists, social activists and people’s organisations. For original statement , please see here )
Developments on 8th February are serious, condemnable as well as tragic. We would like to express our deep concern for the dead as well as the injured and demand proper compensation for them
We appeal to people in Uttarakhand and rest of India to maintain peace and harmony . We condemn all sorts of violence and want that an impartial legal action be taken about the incident. We are of the opinion that every type of resistance, opposition should always remain in the bounds of law and constitution.
We also appeal to the administration that no action should be contrary to Constitutional principles and values.
Negligence, hurry and biased approach of the administration can be clearly seen in these developments. Even the language of the administration sounds sectarian. When the allegedly illegally built mosque and madarsa were in the control of the administration itself and the next hearing in the case was scheduled to be heard on 14 th February, what was the necessity to go for demolition in such a hurried manner. It is time that the District Magistrate and Senior Superintendent of Police are immediately transferred and a judicial enquiry be done about the whole incident.
We need to bear in mind that since 2017 the Uttarakhand government has desisted from taking an impartial legal action against vigilante violence and hate speeches. Right from citizens groups, people organisastions, opposition parties, leading intellectuals, advocates of Supreme Court to ex generals of the army from the state have been raising their voices in this connection. When the government does not appear impartial it emboldens anti-social elements. In this background voices have been raised to underline how use of hate, communal and violent incidents for political benefits ultimately engenders further challenges to social harmony and rule of law. It is high time that steps on war footing be taken to strictly implement decisions of the Supreme Court in 2018 and later, regarding hate speeches and violence.
We have always maintained that the “anti encroachment drive” is plagued by unnecessary hurry and a biased approach. Hundreds of such incidents have occurred since last one year . We are of the opinion that without resettlement nobody should be made homeless and every such action be undertaken in proper legal manner and with enough sensitivity. As far as Uttarakhand is concerned today lakhs of people are living on 4 lakh hectare Nazul land. In Haldwani itself a large population has settled on Nazul land which comprises people belonging to all religions. It has been a long time demand that people living on nazul land be given the ownership of the land. The state government has even sent proposal to the central government in this connection. Despite all this it is beyond comprehension to see that government seems to be in an unnecessary hurry regarding the issue of encroachment. Since quite some time the state government is engaged in these efforts under the name of anti encroachment drive. We feel that the government is pushing its sectarian agenda under the name of anti encroachment drive. This should be immediately stopped.
Say No To Hate, We need Jobs
Rajiv Lochan Sah, Uttarakhand Lok Vahini; Naresh Nautiyal, General Secretary, Uttarakhand Parivartan Party ; Tarun Joshi, Van Panchayat Sangharsh Morcha; Bhuvan Pathak and Shankar Dutt, Sadbhavna Samiti Uttarakhand; Shankar Gopal and Vinod Badoni, Chetna Aandolan; Islam Hussain, Sarvoday Mandal ; Lalit Upreti and Munish Kumar, Samajwadi Lok Manch ; Trilochan Bhatt, Independent Journalist; Heera Jangpani, Mahila Kisan Adhikar Manch ; Mukul, Mazdoor Sahyog Kendra
We publish below a statement circulated by Lalit Kala Kendra(Gurukul) alumni, art educators, visiting faculty and theatre/cine artistes regarding the recent attack on the students making an examination presentation of a play woven around a Ram Leela rehearsal, where routinely men play women’s roles. This attack took place on 2 February. This incident was preceded by an attack on FTII students on 23 January by a group of right-wing goons. We also present in this post, for the record, a statement on the previous incident by the FTII Students’ Association and a solidarity statement by FTII Alumni.
Statement from Lalit Kala Kendra(Gurukul) alumni, art educators, visiting faculty and theatre/cine artistes
We would like to begin by saying that despite our diverse ideological, cultural, social, religious and geographical backgrounds and identities, we write this note together as informed and sensitive artists, and citizens of India. We would like to strongly emphasise that we have great respect for all religions, castes, creeds, sects etc. We are proud of and value our rich Indian culture and traditions.
समान नागरिक संहिता के विधेयक के मसौदे पर उत्तराखंड महिला समूहों का यह बयान हम यहाँ छाप रहे हैं ताकि इस ख़तरनाक़ बिल पर और बहस हो सके।
6 फरवरी 2024
उत्तराखंड महिला समूह और प्रतिनिधि राज्य विधानसभा में पेश किए गए इस विधेयक को पूरी तरह से खारिज करते हैं।
संवैधानिक व्यवहार को अपराध बनाने वाला, नैतिक पुलिसिंग का परिचय देने वाला विधेयक अस्वीकार्य है।
प्रस्तुत हिंदूकृत समान संहिता विधेयक का एजेंडा सभी वर्गों के परिवारों में असमानताओं को दूर करना नहीं है, बल्कि मुस्लिम अल्पसंख्यक और वयस्कों के स्वायत्त व्यवहार को अपराधी बनाना है।
[We are publishing this response of the Uttarakhand Women’s Groups to the Uttarakhand Draft for initiating further debate.]
The Uttarakhand women’s groups and representatives reject this Bill in toto, in the form introduced in the State Assembly.
A Bill criminalizing constitutional behaviour, and introducing moral policing is unacceptable.
The Bill which is predominantly a cut paste from the Hindu family laws, does not remove inequalities in family across the spectrum of religious and secular laws, but criminalises the Muslim minority and autonomous, consensual behaviour of adults.
Demands that it is sent to the Standing Committee for further deliberations.
Let us do it together!
The Supreme Court of India on 29th of November 2023 took up the long pending case of Rajive Raturi vs Union of India, and expressed dissatisfaction on the manner in which the Union, States and Union Territories were implementing their accessibility obligations. Since the reports submitted by the governmental authorities to the Court were also found unsatisfactory, the Court directed the Centre for Disability Studies (CDS), NALSAR Hyderabad:
to submit a report on the steps required to be taken in accordance with the guidelines and the Accessible India Campaign to, inter alia, make all State and Central Government buildings, airports, railway stations, public transport carriers, all Government websites, all public documents and the ICT eco system fully accessible to persons with disabilities.
The Court had asked the Union Ministry of Social Justice to take care of the logistics.
UGC led by Chairman Jagdeesh Kumar refuses to remain beyond controversy for long time.
The latest being its draft proposal of ‘dereservation’ of seats if not a suitable candidate from reserved category is found wherein it asked people’s views till 28 th January.
As expected this proposal which smacked of the ruling dispensation’s surreptitious and even direct attempts at attacking or biting away at the affirmative action policies emanating from the Constitution rightly led to protests in various quarters, There were protests opposing this proposal on JNU and other campuses and even opposition parties attacked the ruling party for its compromising attitude towards reservation rights and its desire and moves to either dilute or hollow out the provisions of these socially progressive policies and this led to an intervention from the Human Resources Ministry underlining that there is no such proposal.
Text of a petition initiated by SWASA, signed by 3640 sex workers and allies, sent to the UN Special Rapporteur on Violence Against Women, Reem Alsalem on January 31, 2024. This is in response to a call for inputs towards the Special Rapporteur’s report on violence against women to be presented to the UN Human Rights Council in June 2024.
Sex workers and allies at a rally demanding sex work be recognized as work under government labor rules, on the eve of International Labor Day, in Kolkata, April 30, 2022. AP Photo/Bikas Das. Image courtesy Human Rights Watch
We, the undersigned write to bring to your attention our concerns regarding the problematic terminology used in the call for inputs to the report of the Special Rapporteur (SR) on violence against women (VAW) and girls to the Human Rights Council. The thematic report of the SR on VAW that will be presented to the UN Human Rights Council at its 56th session in June 2024 proposes to examine the nexus between the global phenomenon of prostitution and violence against women and girls.
The call for inputs states that the Special Rapporteur would like to receive inputs to better understand the relationship between prostitution and violence against women, to clarify terms, approaches and actions States should take in order to maintain the spirit of international human rights law and to effectively protect women and girls from all forms of violence. Continue reading Demanding respectful and inclusive language for sex workers: Sex Workers and Allies South Asia (SWASA)→
2024 की शुरूआत में भारत एक प्रचंड बदलाव की दहलीज पर खड़ा है। सभी जनतंत्र प्रेमी, इन्साफ पसंद और अमन के चाहने वालों के सामने यही बड़ा सवाल मुंह बाए खड़ा है कि 2024 के संसदीय चुनावों में- जो मई माह के अंत तक संपन्न होगा तथा नयी सरकार बन जाएगी (अगर उन्हें पहले नहीं कराया गया तो)- का नतीजा क्या होगा?
क्या वह सत्ता के विभिन्न इदारों पर भाजपा की जकड़ को ढीला कर देगा, क्या वह जनतंत्र की विभिन्न संस्थाओं को निष्प्रभावी करने की या उनका हथियारीकरण करने की सोची समझी रणनीति को बाधित कर देगा, क्या वह धर्म के नाम पर उन्मादी तक हो चुकी जनता में इस एहसास को फिर जगा देगा कि 21वीं सदी में धर्म और राजनीति का घोल किस तरह खतरनाक है या वह भारतीय जनतंत्र की अधिकाधिक ढलान की तरफ जारी यात्रा को और त्वरान्वित कर देगा, भारत के चुनावी अधिनायकतंत्र ( electoral autocracy) की तरफ बढ़ने की उसकी यात्रा आगे ही चलती रहेगी
‘Men never do evil so completely and cheerfully as when they do it from religious conviction.’ Blaise Pascal, French Mathematician and Physicist who lived some 400 years ago and died young (1623 to 1662 AD)
ग्राहम स्टेंस, जो ऑस्ट्रेलिया से भारत पहुंचे ईसाई पादरी थे और ओडिशा के बेहद पिछड़े आदिवासी बहुल इलाकों में गरीबों एवं कुष्ठरोगियों की सेवा में संलग्न थे, उन्हें और उनकी दो संतानों फिलिप और टिमोथी को कथित तौर पर हिंदुत्ववादी जमातों से जुड़े मानवद्रोहियों ने 22 जनवरी 1999 को जिंदा जलाया था.
22 जनवरी की तारीख की बीती तारीख को इस घटना की पच्चीसवीं सालगिरह थी.
राम मंदिर आयोजन की चकाचौंध में किसी ने इस बर्बर हत्या और उसके निहितार्थों को याद करना भी मुनासिब नहीं समझा, जबकि हम पाते हैं कि इस बर्बर हत्याकांड में वह तमाम संकेत मिलते हैं, जिन्हें 21वीं सदी की बहुसंख्यकवादी राजनीति में भरपूर प्रयोग में लाया गया.
The life of the dead is placed in the memory of the living.
– Marcus Tullius Cicero
Politics is nothing but theology in action
– Ambedkar
Right-wing politics suffers from a common syndrome everywhere.
It never feels confident to project its own icons for the rest of the humanity, whatever might be their claims about their worldview, it knows that its own icons are detested by a wide spectrum of people.
The easiest way it finds to overcome this lacunae is to appropriate already established icons – who were even opposed to their world view as well and claim them their own. In fact, it does not have any qualms in utilising dates – bearing special significance for exploited and oppressed and marginalised of the world – to put their stamp on it.
The project of Hindutva Supremacism – which yearns / strives to transform a Secular, Socialist, Democratic and Sovereign Republic into a Hindu Rashtra has perhaps achieved near perfection in this kind of politics.
An excerpt from Sita’s Voice in the Assamese Ramayana: Selected Verses from the RAMAYANA of Madhava Kandali and UTTARAKANDA by Sankaradeva, Translated, with Introduction and commentary by TILOTTOMA MISRA (Zubaan: April 2024 Forthcoming)
The figure of Rāma has seldom attracted the Assamese vaiṣnava devotees as much as that of Kṛṣṇa. Rāma has been considered as an incarnation of Viṣṇu, while Kṛṣṇa has been worshipped as Viṣṇu himself. Significantly, there is also no known religious sect in Assam which claims to be “exclusively Ramaite”. While there are many references to Kṛṣṇa in the copper-plate inscriptions found in Assam which date back to the early seventh century, there is hardly any mention of Rāma in the early literary records of the region. Biswanarayan Shastri has observed that while a large number of temples dedicated to Rāma or Māruti exist all over India, there is no evidence of the existence of such a temple with the images of Rāma or Maruti, intact or in ruins, in Assam. According to him even in the architecture of ancient Assam, there is no known evidence of the Rāma legend being represented anywhere.
The Rāmāyaṇa of Mādhava Kandalī, therefore, as well as the two kāṇḍas prefixed and appended to it by Mādhavadeva and Śaṅkaradeva, have never held “that exalted position in popular estimation which the Rāmacarita-mānasa of Tulsidas has been occupying for the last few centuries in north India.” Rāma and Sītā seldom attained the stature of divinity in the imagination of the Assamese people although the heroic and miraculous elements in the Rāmāyaṇa and ‘Rāma-kathā’ have continued to be a lively ingredient of folk-drama and musical performances of the ojā-pāli. It is understandable therefore that for the common people of this region the Assamese Rāmāyaṇa is hardly the religious text that the Bhāgavata-purāṇa is. Continue reading Sita’s Voice in the Assamese Ramayana: Tilottoma Misra→
I’m relieved that you aren’t around these days. But I miss the sort of discussions we would have had if you were. Hence this letter, this sort of talking to you, this helpless and possibly meaningless, speaking into the ether because some things must just be said, remembered, felt, resisted, and held on to, even if everything around is telling you to move on, to get into the spirit of things and join the festivities, as it were.
I remember your reaction when you first saw my documentary film, Ayodhya Gatha. ‘Did you have to make our arguments about religion so public? If you get any recognition for this film, remember it’s thanks to me – like all your debating prizes!’ you said, loud enough for all to hear, both embarrassed and proud at the same time. We had a good laugh and a hug together. But in truth, over the years, religion was a topic on which we went from heated, impassioned arguments to considered, more careful discussions. You, tip toeing around my atheism (and asserting that deep down inside I was a believer) and me trying to be sensitive around your faith, even as we talked a lot about everything that’s been happening over the last four decades in the name of that religion.
Prof Romila Thapar, great historian and public intellectual , will be delivering the 28 th Lecture in the Democracy Dialogues Series on Sunday 28 th January 2024 at 6 PM (IST).
Please reserve the time and date for the lecture. Details are given below
Democracy Dialogues – 28 th Lecture
Organised by
New Socialist Initiative (NSI)
Theme : Our History, Their History, Whose History?
The zoom invite will be shared closer to the date.
Abstract: My purpose in this talk would be to examine the link between history and particular kinds of nationalism. I hope to show that nationalism can be a process, bringing together and uniting all the communities that inhabit a particular territory in support of a change in society or opposing a target common to all. This earlier form is what I would like to call a unitary, integrative nationalism that cut across communities and drew them together in a particular country to support a single purpose. This I would differentiate from the latter forms in some countries which identified with units of society or communities according to certain common features, such as a particular religion or language, or caste or ethnicity. I would call it segregated nationalism, where each community is segregated and treated as having a distinctly different identity and its own separate goal. History is brought in when the community that gives an identity to its nationalism insists on tracing its origins to a historical past. This pattern of integrated and segregated nationalisms would seem to apply to India of the twentieth century. There was the all-inclusive national movement whose participants were from every community; its objectives were to maintain the unity of the Indian people and overthrow colonial rule. The other nationalism, segregated nationalism, was seeded in the 1920s and assumed the existence of two nations – the Hindu and the Muslim – which, it was argued, go back to earlier times. Integrated nationalism succeeded in 1947 in bringing about independence, but its foundations needed strengthening, for we are now witnessing the strong presence of religious nationalism in the attempt to inaugurate a Hindu Rashtra in India.
– Romila Thapar
About the Speaker:
Internationally renowned scholar of Ancient History, Prof Thapar was elected General President of the Indian History Congress in 1983 and a Fellow of the British Academy in 1999. In 2008, she was awarded the prestigious Kluge Prize of the US Library of Congress which complements the Nobel, in honouring lifetime achievement in disciplines not covered by the latter. Prof Thapar has been a visiting professor at Cornell University, the University of Pennysylvania, and the College de France in Paris and holds honorary doctorates from the University of Chicago, the Institut National des Langues et Civilisations Orientales in Paris, the University of Oxford, the University of Edinburgh (2004), the University of Calcutta and from the University of Hyderabad
Here is a select list of Prof Thapar’s publications Ashoka and the Decline of the Mauryas, 1961 ( Oxford University Press) ; A History of India : Volume 1, 1966 ( Penguin) ; The Past and Prejudice, NBT ( 1975) ; Ancient Indian Social History : Some Interpretations, 1978 ( Orient Blackswan) ; From Lineages to State 1985 : Social Formations of the Mid-First Millenium B.C. in the Ganges Valley, 1985 ( Oxford University Press) ; Interpreting Early India, 1992 ( Oxford University Press) ; Sakuntala : Text, Reading, Historie, 2002 ( Anthem) . Somanatha : The Many Voices of History, Verso ( 2005) ; The Aryan : Recasting Constructs, Three Essays ( 2008) ; The Past As Present: Forging Contemporary Identities Through History, (2014) ;Voices of Dissent: An Essay, (2020); The Future in the Past: Essay ( 2023)
This guest post was written by HASINA, with co-authorship contributions from Sanjhana and Mridul from Bebaak Collective, ‘Voices of the Fearless,’ a collective dedicated to addressing the citizenship rights of marginalized communities.
A thread of commonality that ties together Indian society – from familial space to the entertainment industry, from the personal sphere to the political sphere – is the oppression of gender minorities under patriarchy. The longstanding structures of patriarchy and misogyny subject women to various forms of violence and abuse within and outside the household. Such a harsh reality of society is reflected by the popular media and film industry very promptly. The new movies that are being directed and the new music that’s being produced are a great reflection of how we, as a society, have failed women and queer communities. The peppy lyrics that objectify and hyper-sexualise women’s bodies and the movies that glorify toxic masculinity do nothing but perpetuate and normalise gendered violence. As we step into the New Year, we must ask ourselves if we can leave these outdated notions behind and step into a society that fosters peace, equality, and love amongst all.
KAFILA - COLLECTIVE EXPLORATIONS SINCE 2006 