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Category Archives: Politics
जारी है ‘जनपक्षीय हिंसा’ का तान्डव
खबर मिली है कि छत्तीसगढ़ में माओवादी हमले में ग्यारह से ज़्यादा पुलिस के जवान मारे गए हैं. इस महीने ऐसी हत्याओं की संख्या पचास से अधिक हो गयी है. इसके साथ ही बंगाल के चुनाव में हिंसा के समाचार किसी भी दूसरे राज्य से अधिक मिले हैं. बंगाल की हिंसा में संसदीय राजनीति में भाग लेने वाले एक मार्क्सवादी दल के सदस्य शामिल हैं.संसदीय राजनीति को भटकाव बताने वाले और उसे रणनीतिक रूप से इस्तेमाल करने वाले, दोनों तरह के मार्क्सवादी या माओवादी दलों को हिंसा के अपने इस्तेमाल के जायज़ होने में कोई शक नहीं है.दोहराव का खतरा उठाते हुए नंदीग्राम और सिंगुर में सीपीएम की हिंसा के पक्ष में उसके बुद्धिजीवियों के तर्कों को याद कर लेना उचित होगा.इन तर्कों में एक तर्क रक्षात्मक हिंसा का था. इस बार चुनाव में अपने पक्ष में न होने के लिए सीपीएम ने नंदीग्राम में हत्याएं कीं और तृणमूल कांग्रेस के कार्यकर्ताओं ने सीपीएम के समर्थकों को मारा.बंगाल के पिछले एक साल के अखबार को उठा कर देख लें, हिंसा उस समाज के स्वभाव को परिभाषित करती जान पड़ती है.
Continue reading जारी है ‘जनपक्षीय हिंसा’ का तान्डव
Naagbanton, Binayak Sen and Kampala Declaration
Patrick Barigbalo Naagbanton is a well-known human rights activist. Born in Rivers State, Nigeria, he trained as a journalist before working as a trade unionist at the Port Harcourt factory of the Union Dicon Salt PLC, where he was elected chairman of the workers union, Maritime Workers Union of Nigeria (MWUN). He was eventually fired for campaigning for improvement in working conditions. Naagbanton recruited many workers to join human rights/pro-democracy groups like the Civil Liberties Organisation (CLO), Campaign for Democracy (CD), and Committee for the Defence of Human Rights (CDHR). Naagbanton served as a board member of Civil Liberties Organisation (CLO), representing the Niger Delta region of Nigeria. He also worked with the Environmental Rights Action (ERA) and Friends of the Earth Nigeria (FOEN), documenting, researching and campaigning against human rights and environmental degradation in Nigeria. In recognition of his role in promoting and defending victims of rights abuse in Nigeria, Naagbanton received the Indianapolis University Human Rights Award in 2001; and in 2002, the Rivers State branch of the CLO conferred on him the Saro-Wiwa Award for human and environmental rights defender.
Continue reading Naagbanton, Binayak Sen and Kampala Declaration
‘Our’ Violence Versus ‘Their’ Violence
The first three phases of the 200 Lok Sabha elections have passed off peacefully. When we say peacefully, we do not take into account the killings of poll officials and police personnel involved in election related work by the Maoists. The Maoists gave a poll boycott call in areas where they thought they are strong but were not heeded by the people. Even many tribals of Lalgadh in Bengal decided to risk their lives to exercise their hard earned right to vote defying the Maoist boycott call. Unable to convince the masses, the Maoists have resorted to the old strategy of ambushing poll parties and burning and demolishing of public properties to register their presence. Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh, Orissa, Maharashtra, Bihar and Bengal have been witness to violence by armed groups of Maoists. Interestingly, we have not seen any statement by them owning up to these acts. Continue reading ‘Our’ Violence Versus ‘Their’ Violence
Sri Lanka: A Tragedy Foretold – Rohini Hensman
guest post by ROHINI HENSMAN
Once a forest fire is raging, putting it out is difficult, and an enormous amount of destruction is inevitable. The same is true of the war in Sri Lanka. Even over the past fifteen years, there were several chances to prevent this tragedy, but only a tiny minority of those who are now grieving over the dead and injured were arguing then that a failure to take these chances would lead to a bloodbath. Continue reading Sri Lanka: A Tragedy Foretold – Rohini Hensman
Barter – is that what they’re calling it now?
It’s a world on the downturn out there.
And new and creative ways of handling the situation emerge. Imagine a journalist accepting some old jeans (in very good condition), some rice, atta and vegetables (and also sugar) from the newspaper proprietor in exchange for her reporting. Meanwhile, an ad agency employee opts for day-old newspapers and fruits for every successful slogan he coins.
Impossible?
Continue reading Barter – is that what they’re calling it now?
Buffalo Soldier
“Come in,” says Munisa, “it’s such a large house you’ll be surprised.” The room isn’t big enough for a single person, and Munisa, a widow at 30, shares it with six children and her mother-in-law. She’s trying to turn the courtyard into a room even though she knows the impending monsoons will was away the mud thatch: “At least the summer will pass.” She works as farm labour, earning Rs 35 a day, and can’t make use of NREGA because the chronic pain in her legs won’t let her do hard labour.
Two years ago, an NGO did a survey in the village and found her to be the poorest. They gifted her a cow. “It gave milk because I fed her. And then, six months ago, she died.” But Munisa is not ungrateful: she will still vote for the candidate who runs the NGO that gifted her the cow. So will her neighbours who didn’t get anything: “Here’s someone who has at least proven her concern for the poor,” says one. Read More…
Anatomy of a prejudice
The BSP’s politics may trouble the popular conception of Indianness, among English speaking middle classes, who understand India as one whole, where the ‘Indian’ identity dominates and the rest, which reflect real India (inequality and conflicts) are hushed up. On the other hand, the BSP’s politics reiterates that India is a country of various minorities (castes, religions, regions) who may be victimised by fellow Indians in different contexts. Emphasising the BSP or Mayawati’s Dalitness ignores the complexity of caste society and associated politics. Kanshiram in the past and Mayawati now raise issues of caste not to sustain inequality but to challenge them. What Mayawati and BSP’s growth represents is the deepening of democracy in India. [Suryakant Waghmore]
What next in Nepal?
Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal ‘Prachanda’s resignation on Monday afternoon once again reveals how the Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) is different from any other ‘mainstream’ party that inhabits the Nepali political landscape. Most observers, including this writer, fail in assessing the Maoists correctly because we end up using the same categories, attribute the same motivations, and expect similar tactics from them as from other political actors.
The PM’s resignation came after a two week long political thriller leading up to the executive’s decision to dismiss Army chief General Katawal and appoint General Kul Bahadur Khadka in his place. Continue reading What next in Nepal?
Ajmer Blasts: Revisiting Hindutva Terror
It has been more than one and half years that the great Sufi shrine of Khwaja Moinuddin Chishti based in Ajmer, Rajasthan, which is equally revered by the Hindus and Muslims, reached headlines for unforeseen reasons. On 11 th October 2007 it witnessed a bomb blast which saw deaths of two innocents and injuries to many. In fact it was for the first time in its few centuries old history that blood of innocents lied splattered in those areas where thousands and thousands of people use to gather daily to offer their prayers.
As was the routine procedure then – when Hindutva terror had not reached headlines – a few fanatic Islamist groups were blamed for this ignoble incident. There were interrogations, arrests, quite a few people were illegally detained supposedly to extract their confession for this act. Media was not to be left behind, it had juicy stories about the plans and the execution of this inhuman and barbaric act, and definite clues about its real ‘masterminds’ remote controlling from across the border. Witch-hunting of the community went on for a while. And as usually happens in such case(s), after some initial hullabaloo Ajmer blasts were relegated to the inner pages of newspapers in one small corner. People also lost interest. Perhaps they had more exciting news awaiting them. Continue reading Ajmer Blasts: Revisiting Hindutva Terror
Another sort of touch
The British queen placed a royal hand around the American First Lady’s waist, who graciously reciprocated, and a million words and images were launched in the world media on that historical moment.
How come we never got to see this other Touching Moment in London involving another Obama? Thanks to Dilip Simeon, who was sent this by a friend, I received this picture of what happened when Barack Hussein was entering 10, Downing Street on April 1, 2009.
There he is, a British police officer joyously breaching protocol while ushering a black American president into the British corridors of power. As the caption in the forwarded message said – “the two brothers couldn’t resist the historic moment!”
(Reuters/Toby Melville)
That’s it for now, folks.
हिंसा की राजनीति के पैरोकार
२००९ के लोकसभा चुनाव की अगर इसके पहले दो चरणों के आधार पर कोई खासियत बतानी हो तो कहना पडेगा कि समाज के पारम्परिक शक्ति संतुलन में विचलन के भय से तथाकथित ऊंची जातियों के द्वारा पहले जो हिंसा होती थी, वह नहीं दिखी. बिहार और अन्य स्थानों पर चुनाव के वक्त बूथ पर होनेवाला खूनखराबा इस बार नहीं हुआ. फिर भी इस बार हत्याएं हुईं. और ये हत्याएं हिंसक वर्ग-युद्ध में विश्वास रखनेवाले माओवादी समूहों ने कीं. बिहार, झारखंड, ओडीसा, छत्तीसगढ और महाराष्ट्र में इन समूहों के द्वारा हत्याएं की गईं, सार्वजनिक स्थलों को जलाया गया और दहशत फैलाई गई. पूरी ट्रेन का अपहरण कर लिया गया और अपना शक्ति प्रदर्शन करके फिर उसे छोड़ दिया गया. इस बीच उसके यात्रियों को जो भयंकर मानसिक यंत्रणा हुई होगी उसके लिए माओवादियों के पास कोई सहानुभूति का शब्द नहीं है. बंगाल में सी.पी.एम. ने अपने हिंसक अहंकार में सिंगुर और नांदीग्राम और उनके बाद लालगढ में जो कुछ किया उसने माओवादी समूहों को बंगाल में अपनी पकड मजबूत करने का मौका दिया. अब ये खबरें आम हैं कि बंगाल के गांवों और कस्बों में लोगों को सी.पी.एम. की सदस्यता छोड्ने को मजबूर किया जा रहा है और बात न मानने पर उनकी हत्या तक की जा रही है. ऐसी ही हत्याएं पिछले साल बिहार और झारखण्ड में की गयी थी. क्योकि माओवादी मारे गए लोगों को ‘गलत पार्टियों’ में रहने नहीं देना चाहते थे. बंगाल में सी.पी.एम. की हिंसा का विरोध करनेवालों को शायद सी.पी. एम. के कार्यकर्ताओं की हत्या में एक प्रकार का प्राकृतिक न्याय होता दीख रहा हो, वरना क्या वजह है कि अब तक इन हत्याओं की और दल छोडने को बाध्य करने की इस तरह की घटनाओं की कहीं से कोई भर्त्सना नहीं सुनाई पडी है !
“हिंसा को किसी भी तरह जायज नहीं ठहराया जा सकता ,चाहे उसका औचित्य कुछ भी क्यों न दिया जाए.” पिछ्ले दो साल से माओवादियों को मदद पहुंचाने के आरोप में जेल में बंद बिनायक सेन ने हाल में एक पत्रकार को यह कहा जब उसने माओवादी हिंसा के बारे में उनसे सवाल किया. बिनायक जब यह बातचीत कर रहे थे, उनके चेहरे पर वह दाढी नहीं थी जिसने उन्हें एक रूमानी शक्ल दे रखी थी. दाढीविहीन होकर भी बिनायक उतने ही आकर्षक लग रहे थे, हालांकि उसके होने से जो एक रहस्य की आभा उनके इर्द-गिर्द थी, वह नहीं रह गयी थी.
Continue reading हिंसा की राजनीति के पैरोकार
Lalgarh, Media and the Maoists: Monobina Gupta
Guest Post by MONOBINA GUPTA
[As this report is filed, reports have come in that the CPI-M has finally managed to enter Lalgarh and hold its first public meeting since 2 November 2008, when the police first arrested seven young students from Lalgarh, sparking off a revolt. No machine guns were fired, no mines were blasted – even though we are supposed to believe that the area is a ‘liberated area’ of the Maoists. See our earlier report, written soon after the revolt began. Even as we post this, more reports – mostly from West Bengal government and police sources, are being suddenly being published of ‘unrest’ spreading to ‘more Maoist areas’, and an atmosphere is sought to be created for an eventual justification of government and party sponsored violence.]
- Assembly in Lalgarh – Armed Maoists? Photo: courtesy sanhati.com
For five months now Lalgarh has been practicing a unique form of democratic politics. To the ruling CPI-M in West Bengal and the big media however, it has been nothing but a Maoist-sponsored agitation with portents of Maoist style violence. Except Bengal media, national print and television, have by and large kept Lalgarh out of their ambit of coverage. If at all news has trickled in, it has come tagged with ‘Maoists’ and ‘violence’; as if tribals in this forgotten part of Medinipur, the past five months, have been stocking up arms and laying ambushes to wage a war against the state.
A front-page article in the Times of India (TOI) today (April 22, 2009) sticks to this format describing Lalgarh as “Nandigram II, a liberated zone” where an explosive situation is building up with elections scheduled for April 30 and the Pulishi Santrash Birodhi Janashadharaner Committee (People’s Committee against Police Atrocities) refusing to allow the police to enter Lalgarh. “The police can’t enter here. Nor are other government officials welcome. This has been the situation for the last six months.”
Continue reading Lalgarh, Media and the Maoists: Monobina Gupta
The Art of Not Writing: Shubhranshu Choudhary
Shubhranshu Choudhary from Chhattisgarh:
How does the media in Chhattisgarh report the conflict between the Naxalites and the Salwa Judum, or the conflict between local communities and corporations? Quite simply, it doesn’t. The pressures on journalists in Chhattisgarh are unique. They are paid not to report stories that are critical of the powers-that-be, whether they are industrial lobbies or state authorities.
Posted on Free Binayak Sen Campaign
51% = legitimacy
With the elections around the corner, the First-Past-The-Post (FPTP) election system used in India is being blamed for most of the ills in the Indian political system. This post is the outcome of some of the discussions and conversations that Barun Mitra of the Liberty Institute and I have been having regarding the FPTP system.
Briefly, the FPTP system is based on the principle of “winner-takes-it-all” i.e., the candidate who gets majority of the votes is declared victorious. One of the most common criticisms made against the FPTP system is that candidates win by very narrow margins. It has been suggested that candidates must get at least 51% of the votes in order for their victory to be deemed as legitimate. It is interesting to note that so far in the history of elections in India, not a single candidate has been dismantled or at least challenged on the grounds that s/he won by 20% of the votes in the constituency. Therefore, is the criticism misplaced?
Both Barun and I want to suggest that narrow victory margins are in fact the strength of the Indian electoral system. This is because:
Typically, only 50% of the population in the constituency votes in any election. If the victorious candidate has won by 20% of the votes, he has actually received 40% of the votes (given that only 50% of the people are voting).
- The narrow victory margins keep the threshold of entry naturally low. This encourages aspirants to enter the electoral fray. If candidates won by 51% of the total votes, it would mean that political parties would have to field heavyweights and stalwarts and it would also discourage novices and independents from contesting the elections.
- The narrow victory margins intensifies political competition and keeps candidates and parties on their toes. New aspirants can cut into the vote bases of popular candidates and parties. Moreover, the narrow margins makes it imperative for candidates and parties to attract voters from various backgrounds and widen their appeal instead of confining themselves to gathering votes on the basis of identity and particularistic appeals.
Is Desh Ka Kuch Nahin Ho Sakta
Of the many excitements on offer at election time are the pious ads by luminaries of the film fraternity exhorting the peoples of India to vote. This one is my favourite…
“Parties come and parties go”, smiles Isha Koppikar,
“But the rubbish on the roads,” says a glum Ritesh,
“Is still there,” notes Farhan astutely.
“Why?”
“Why?”
“Why?” ask Shahid, Priyanka, and Sonam in anguished tones. The answer my friend, as the bard and Kareena said is, “Kyonke Kuch Nahin Ho Sakta Is Desh Ka”. Bhaiiyon aur behenon! Ungli uthao aur button dabao! Ah! TV! But the disastrous acting and terrible scripting aside, there are few things more hilarious than watching Abhishek Bacchan, who distinguished himself by declaring himself a farmer and stealing land from farmers in Barabanki, waxing eleoquent on criminalization of politics. Truly, after watching this ad, I am forced to concur: Is Desh Ka Kuch Nahin Ho Sakta…
April 13 a Day of Ignominious Capitulation in Pakistan: HRCP
[The following is the text of a press release issued by Asma Jahangir, Chairperson of the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan on April 14, 2009. The formal adoption of the Nizam-e-Adl is widely perceived in Pakistan as a surrender to the Taliban and a way of imposing the Shariat Laws in the region. And for good reason. As it went up for approval to the National Assembly, the Taliban and the Tanzim Nifaz Shariat-e-Muhammadi (TNSM) warned parliamentarians against opposing the Nizam-e-Adl Regulation. Meanwhile, Jamaat-e-Islami Naib Amir Senator Prof. Khurshid Ahmad has criticized the liberal secular lobby for debunking the introduction of Nizam-e-Adl in Malakand Area.]
Lahore: The way the National Assembly resolved to back the Nizam-e-Adl Regulation for Malakand Division on Monday does no credit to the House, and the day will be remembered for the state’s humiliating submission to blind force, a statement by HRCP said on Tuesday.
Continue reading April 13 a Day of Ignominious Capitulation in Pakistan: HRCP
Unfair Wealth and Fair Elections
Poverty talk is common; wealth is taboo — even when crorepati candidates (millionaires, billionaires) are on the rise in elections today. There is no doubt whatsoever that our elections are conditioned by wealth, and the rich are thriving on the benefits drawn from their money power. Ironically however, in our people’s democracy, no calls for fair elections are considered credible unless they are accompanied by cries for reforms in the role of wealth and wealthy candidates in the elections. Chances are that the Indian elections of 2009 might get caught up in this credibility trap.
In the first phase of elections, data (affidavits) available of 1440 candidates out of a total of 1715, compiled and analysed by the National Election Watch, is revealing: There are 193 crorepatis contesting elections in this phase; they have increased from 9 percent in 2004 to 14 percent in 2009. Congress has 45, followed by BJP and BSP, with 30 and 22 respectively. All parties, including independents, share this burden. Andhra Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Maharashtra, Bihar, Jharkhand and Chhatisgarh have a majority of them. Their total assets go as high as 173, 125, 89, 72, 56, 45, 30 crores. Neither the earth, nor the sky is the limit. And the declared assets may just reveal a partial picture, considering the fact that most of them (979 candidates) do not even bother to have a permanent account number (PAN), which is necessary for filing annual income tax returns.
Why you should Caste your vote
Someone called “Dr Known” has sent Kafila, via our Contact page, this interesting email. I’m posting this here only because I found it interesting; posting does not necessarily constitute agreement. Or disagreement :)
Since Hinduism is based on CASTE hierarchies, it intrinsically breeds HATRED among Indians.
Hence,
* You must VOTE for candidates from your CASTE only.
* Only he can and will UNDERSTAND your culture and IMPROVE your socio-economic status.
* And do not worry if he is CORRUPT.
* You must vote him till 85% of all registered marriages in India are INTER-CASTE or INTER-FAITH.
This is the only way to STOP dis-integration of India.
Mayawati’s India
(Largely ignored by the media, the BSP recently released a tract that says what the BSP’s India would be like should Mayawati become prime minister. Considering that there is such wide interest and curiosity about the BSP and its politics these days, I am posting the full text of this “appeal”. Disclaimer: I am posting this here for information, debate and discussion and the act of posting this here should not be construed as my endorsement or otherwise of this manifesto-but-not-manifesto. – Shivam Vij)
Jai Bhim ! Jai Bharat !!
Bahujan Samaj Party
” APPEAL”
For
Lok Sabha General Elections -2009
Brothers and Sisters, Continue reading Mayawati’s India
The Tragedy of Politics in Sri Lanka
I am posting below an article that I wrote with Cenan Pirani. The shorter version of this article is in Combat Law. The longer version below delves into the history of left politics in Sri Lanka and attempts at a political solution. Another article by me reflecting some of these concerns and raising questions of solidarity titled ‘The Challenges of Solidarity’ was published in Red Pepper.
The Tragedy of Politics in Sri Lanka
By AHILAN KADIRGAMAR and CENAN PIRANI
In the last few months, the Sri Lankan security forces have managed to ruthlessly push the LTTE into a 40 square km strip of land in the North of the island, and along with the LTTE leadership and its cadres, a sizable civilian population, anywhere from seventy thousand to one hundred and fifty thousand, have also been cordoned off in this area. As the security forces continue their offensives purporting to rid Sri Lanka of the LTTE, they also claim the lives of these civilians daily. Continue reading The Tragedy of Politics in Sri Lanka
KAFILA - COLLECTIVE EXPLORATIONS SINCE 2006 