Debates, Left watch, Violence/Conflict

An encounter with Chhatradhar Mahato: Monobina Gupta

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This guest post by MONOBINA GUPTA is the original of the article published in The Times of India today.

Monobina’s book on Left politics, Postcards from the Margins, is in press with Orient Blackswan, forthcoming in 2010.

The Delhi bound Rajdhani Express held up by supposed ‘Maoists’ for seven hours in West Medinipore had emblazoned on its body: Chhatradhar Mahato is a good man. He is not a criminal.

People’s Committee Against Police Atrocities (PCPA) Chief Mahato was put behind bars in the aftermath of waves of violence lashing West Bengal post 2009 general election results. There was speculation that the PCPA was demanding Mahato’s release. Equally, there was curiosity about Mahato who till a couple of months ago, did not seem to fit the bill of a gun-toting Maoist, a cold-blooded executioner.

When I met Mahato in Lalgarh on the eve of general elections in March earlier this year, he spoke a democratic language far removed from guns and killings. On my arrival that day I found Lalgarh abuzz with news of police picking up three villagers supposedly Maoists, and a murdered PCPA activist.  Mahato was in the midst of an organizational meeting under a tree in Lalgarh’s sublime, verdant surroundings. A tall, lanky man, smartly dressed, with a pair of sunglasses to beat the piercing July sun he was sitting with his comrades putting inside envelopes hand-written notices for PCPA’s next public meeting. Brother of Sashadhar Mahato, a Maoist fugitive, Chhatradhar was catapulted to the PCPA leadership virtually overnight, following a brutal police attack on villagers in the aftermath of a Maoist plot targetting Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee.
Mahato said he would talk to me after lunch. The PCPA was running a community kitchen inside a mud hut where activists had their meals – rice and vegetable curry. This was where I met Mahato relaxed, lying down on the refreshingly cold mud floor.

Continue reading An encounter with Chhatradhar Mahato: Monobina Gupta →

Debates, Government, Left watch, Violence/Conflict

What happened with the Bhubaneswar Rajdhani? Reflections on Dissent and Violence

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From passengers’ eyewitness accounts, and those of the driver and assistant driver of the train (congratulations, for once, to Times of India and to Indian Express reporter Debabrata Mohanty for going beyond statements from police and other officials of the Indian state), this is what happened:

The train was running on schedule when the driver noticed logs on the tracks and a large mob of about 300 waving red flags,  rushing towards the train. As the train screeched to a halt, stones were pelted (some passengers reported minor injuries from shattered window glass) and some men climbed into the driver’s cabin.  Said the driver, K Ananth Rao and his assistant K G Rao to the ToI reporter, Sukumar Mahato, “They said they were holding up the train because the state had waged a war on tribals. We followed them and sat by the tracks.”

[The Indian Express story by Ravik Bhattacharjee and Kanchan Chakrabarty, unattributed to any source, claims “The Rajdhani Express was intercepted by a 1500 strong mob and its driver and his assistant were taken hostage.”]

The PCAPA (People’s Committee Against Police Atrocities) claimed

a) it was not hostage-taking, but a rail abarodha (a blockade) of the train for flouting the rail roko call, when an indefinite bandh against atrocities by the joint security forces in the district had begun since morning.

b) it was meant to draw attention to the arrest of Chhatradhar Mahato, the PCPA leader.  One of the slogans sprawling in red letters across the side of the train says, in English, Chhatradhar Mahato is a good man.

Continue reading What happened with the Bhubaneswar Rajdhani? Reflections on Dissent and Violence →

Bad ideas, Countryside

The Pleasure of Release

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While there is always the thrill of holding people hostage against their desire, the Maoists, of late, seem to have discovered the pleasure of release.

Having spanked the state into submission by beheading Francis Induwar; by freeing policeman Antindranath Datta and “peacefully” vandalizing the Bhubaneswar-New Delhi Rajdhani, the Maoists appear to be signaling a new phase in their troubled relationship with the State.

Now that the State and the media know that the Maoists are capable of taking the pleasure equals pain principle to its logical climax, freeing hostages and good-naturedly scribbling slogans on trains appears like a far more civilized way of fomenting revolution.

Just yesterday, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and Congress President Sonia Gandhi expressed their willingness to break free from the handcuffs of current discourse and engage with those who abstain (from violence).

Maoist leader Kishenji has insisted that while the rebels shall not lay down their arms, talks with the West Bengal and Central Governments must be preceded by the unconditional release of all prisoners taken captive since military operations began in Lalgarh in June, a withdrawal central forces from the area and a declaration of ceasefire by both sides.

In the meantime, the Home Minister, P.Chidambaram, has warned that he can keep his velvet gloves on for only so long; thereafter it’s steel fisting all the way. The victims of military operation shall inevitably be the poor tribals who have love for neither State nor rebel.  Now if only the Maoists would take themselves in hand.

First published in the Hindustan Times

Everyday Life, Excavation

Five Days with VS Naipaul

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By NASIR ABID

(An edited, shorter version of this essay had
appeared some years ago in Man’s World magazine.)

*

Call me the man who met V.S. Naipaul.

It all started innocently enough. A journalist telegraphed from Bombay that he was reaching Lucknow on such and such a date with V.S. Naipaul.

My excitement knew no bounds and I fixed it with a mutual friend, Azad, to go to the airport to pick them up. As luck would have it we got stuck in the traffic jam and reached the airport late. With hindsight I shudder to think what a close shave I had, what with Naipaul’s antipathy to people being late for an appointment.

We shook hands and since there was hardly any luggage we got into the car and headed back to the city. In spite of the intense summer heat Naipaul was wearing a summer suit and a felt hat. He was wearing a checked shirt with the collar buttoned but without a tie, white socks and loafer shoes, the kind in which the socks show.

His skin was dark like walnut, and because the felt hat hid his thick head of hair the initial impression which had become familiar to us from Hollywood gangster movies. The expression was fixed in a perpetual grimace with the lips pursed as if he was just enduring being stuck in a place like this. There was not a hint of a smile.

I told Naipaul that A House for Mr Biswas was one of my favourite books and I am sure that he must be pleased with it too. He modestly said, “It just got written and yes I am very fond of Biswas too.” Modestly because in one of his interviews Naipaul said that he knew that it was going to be a big one. I referred to the ‘skin tights’ episode and Naipaul gave an amused chuckle. In my younger days, when I had read the novel, I had felt that it was very cruel to write this episode however amusing it might have been. But I did not say so to him. Continue reading Five Days with VS Naipaul →

Debates, Left watch, Violence/Conflict

दो पाटन के बीच

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माओवादी हिंसा जायज़ है या नाजायज़? यह तसल्ली  की बात है कि  इस  सवाल पर अब बहस शुरू हो गई  है. इस प्रश्न पर बात करने का अर्थ यह नहीं है कि राज्य हिंसा का विरोध छोड दिया जाए. छत्तीसगढ़ में ”ऑपरेशन ग्रीन हंट” की व्यर्थता के बारे में और  कोई  नहीं , पंजाब के ” हीरो” के.पी.एस.गिल बोल रहे हैं. वे कोई  झोला वाले  मानवाधिकार कार्यकर्ता नहीं, जिनकी चीखो-पुकार को दीवानों की बड़ मान कर आज तक राज्य और पूंजी के पैरोकार नज़रअंदाज करते आए हैं.  दांतेवाडा  में दो दशकों से अधिक समय से काम कर रहे हिमान्शु ठीक ही पूछते हैं कि हर बार छत्तीसगढ़  के गाँवों  में राज्य की ओर से पुलिस या अर्धसैनिक बल ही क्यों भेजे जाते रहे हैं, डाक्टर, आंगनवाडी कार्यकर्ता या शिक्षक क्यों नहीं! इस देश के आदिवासियों के लिए राज्य का अर्थ क्या रह गया है?हमारे मित्र सत्या शिवरामन ने भी यह सवाल किया कि राज्य को आदिवासियों की सुध बीसवीं सदी के आखिरी दशकों में क्यों आयी? क्या इसका कारण यह था कि उसे यह अपराध बोध सालने लगा था कि उसकी विकास योजनाओं के लाभ से राष्ट्र का यह तबका छूटता चला गया है?  या क्या इसकी ज़्यादा सही वजह यह थी कि देश और विदेश की पूंजी को अब अपने लिए  जो संसाधन चाहिए, वे जंगलों की हरियाली में छिपे हुए हैं और उस ज़मीन के नीचे दबे पड़े हैं, जिन पर  आदिवासी ‘हमारे’ इतिहास के शुरू होने के पहले से रहते चले आ रहे है! क्या राज्य को यह अहसास हुआ कि वह इस संपदा से अब तक  वंचित रहा है और इसकी वजह आदिवासियों का पिछडे तरीके से रहना ही है? पूंजी की नए संसाधनों की खोज और  आदिवासियों के विकास में  राज्य की दिलचस्पी का बढ़ना, क्या ये दो घटनाएं एक ही साथ नहीं होती दिखाई देती ?

Continue reading दो पाटन के बीच →

Debates, Left watch, Movements, Violence/Conflict

Mass Politics, Violence and the Radical Intellectual

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With the debate on Maoist violence and Operation Green Hunt hotting up, things are taking a disturbing turn. The danger really is that all spaces of radical political movements and indeed the entire space of the Left, part of it gradually vacated by the parliamentary ‘Left’ in recent decades and finally completely abandoned in the last few years, will now be virtually erased. In its place will be installed the phantom of an ‘armed struggle’ that threatens to completely swallow up the spaces once occupied by different shades of the CPI(ML) and the Naxalite movement and other Continue reading Mass Politics, Violence and the Radical Intellectual →

Capitalism, Culture, Empire/ Imperialism, Movements, Violence/Conflict

Debating “Political Islam”

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A number of activists from the South Asia Solidarity Initiative (SASI) in New York have initiated a reading group on South Asia.  The notes below are the second in a series of commentaries following reading discussions that some members of the reading group are posting on Kafila.  This is an attempt to broaden the discussions and in the process make it a productive dialogue to understand developments in the region and deepen our solidarity.

Debating “Political Islam”

– Svati Shah, Biju Mathew, Sumitra Rajkumar, Prachi Patankar and Ahilan Kadirgamar

The recent debate between Samir Amin and Tariq Amin-Khan on a left perspective on “political Islam” in the context of imperialism, published in Monthly Review (December 2007 and March 2009), provides an opportunity to reflect on a number of issues that have vexed the anti-war movement and the left with respect to the on-going wars in Iraq and Afghanistan.  The most vexing of these issues has been the question of whom the left should target as its allies in those countries, and what position the left should take toward so-called “political Islam,” represented by Islamist groups calling for an end to foreign occupation.  The definition of “political Islam” is presented below in relation to each critique.  Both Amin and Amin-Khan are in agreement that both “political Islam” and imperialism have to be challenged simultaneously.  There are no strategic questions here, in terms of joining one to fight the other.  The defeat or withdrawal of both is desirable in the interests of a people-centred politics.  In imperialism’s projection of capitalism and reactionary Islam’s comfort with capitalism (that class and gender do not trouble it) they are objective allies even if on the ground their adherents are military enemies.  This initial agreement then delves into a number of nuanced questions that must be considered in order to foster the return to a people centred politics in both of these countries, and the regions as a whole.

Continue reading Debating “Political Islam” →

Countryside, Left watch, Movements, Politics, Violence/Conflict

Complicating the ‘Naxalite’ debate

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(An edited version of this piece appeared as the cover story in Himal Southasian in December 2007. The report is based on travels across Andhra to Bihar in October of the same year. At a time when most of the media is pushing the same binaries we must avoid, this may help in conveying the enormous complexity of the issue. Some facts may be outdated, and Kafila readers will be more familiar with certain issues like Salwa Judum than this reporter, but the broad argument may still have some relevance. I will follow this up with posts on the Nepali process and Indian Naxalites.)

A people’s movement. The greatest internal security challenge. Struggle for the rights of the poor, tribals, Dalits, landless. Compact Revolutionary Zone with influence in almost 200 districts. A socio economic problem rooted in exploitation and idealism. A law and order threat . True people’s democracy. A criminal, authoritarian and opportunistic outfit. The revolution will smash the Indian state. The Maoists are ants and can be crushed anytime .

Neat black and white portrayals have come to characterise one of the most complex stories of our times. The Naxal as the saviour and the state as the oppressor. The state as protector and Naxal as the villain. Numbers and scale of action act as the judge of Maoist spread and activity. 1608 incidents of Naxalite violence and 677 people killed in 2005; 1509 incidents and 678 killed in 2006; 249 persons killed till June 2007. Continue reading Complicating the ‘Naxalite’ debate →

Debates, Left watch, Movements, Violence/Conflict

Open Letter to Noam Chomsky: Nirmalangshu Mukherjee

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[We publish below an open letter to Noam Chomsky, written in the wake of his endorsement of a statement against ‘Operation Green Hunt’, issued recently by a large number of intellectuals in India and in the US. Nirmalangshu’s letter is important because it raises some very serious questions that are being brushed under the carpet by sections of the radical intelligentsia.  Unlike Nirmalangshu, I would not put ‘radical’ within scare quotes, since it is precisely this that highlights the immense tragedy of our times. Radical intellectuals – truly radical intellectuals – once again find themselves caught in this situation where in order to oppose state violence, they will wilfully turn a blind eye to the violence of armed nihilist gangs, simply because these claim to speak on behalf of the oppressed – a claim that Nirmalangshu’s letter exposes in all its falsity. He lays bare how the politics that goes by the name of ‘Maoism’ (i.e. CPI-Maoist) believes in violently erasing all other voices of opposition to and criticism of the state, but that of itself. This brand of politics in fact lives in symbiosis with the state – delegitimizing all forms of mass democratic politics. At this moment one deeply misses the courageous voice of the late Balagopal – recently slightingly dubbed a ‘liberal humanist’ by a spokesperson of the Maoists, at a meeting meant to salute his memory. I cannot help recalling here the feeling of immense sadness many of us were overcome by, watching and hearing speakers at this meeting (in Delhi) for Balagopal – speakers who were ungenerous, if not carping and outright dismissive of the courage of conviction that was Balagopal. AN]

Dear Prof. Chomsky,

I saw your support to the statement issued by Sanhati in the form of a letter to the prime minister— endorsed by some intellectuals from India and abroad. Three points are transparent: (a) the Indian government is planning a massive armed operation in the tribal-hilly areas in the eastern part of the country, (b) the poorest of the poor and the historically marginalised will suffer the most in terms of loss of lives, livelihood and habitat, and (c) for whatever it’s worth, an all-out campaign by democratic forces is needed to resist the armed invasion of people’s habitat by any party. To that extent, the statement does bring out the urgency of the matter.

Continue reading Open Letter to Noam Chomsky: Nirmalangshu Mukherjee →

Debates, Everyday Life, Government, Politics, Technology, Theory

Data, and its relationship with Accountability and Transparency

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Cross-posted from http://accountabilityindia.blogspot.com/2009/10/on-data-and-relationship-with.html

Notions of transparency and accountability have been evolving since late 1980s. It was advocated that people must be given information about budgets, especially details of heads where money was allocated and how it was spent. This would aid in enforcing transparency, accountability and participation. In the late 1990s, as cities developed, pressure on urban infrastructure increased and municipalities became unable to respond to people’s expectations owing to a variety of reasons. The prevalent view was that municipalities and local politicians are inefficient. Elected representatives were criticized for being corrupt and favouring their vote-banks by distributing city resources to them. It was also believed that use of discretionary powers perpetuates corruption. Contemporary accountability-transparency paradigm is aimed at making transparent to the public how and why discretion is exercised in different circumstances. This (presumably) will curb discretion as much as possible and tighten decision-making.

Publishing data in public domains as a way to enforce and enhance transparency and accountability has gained greater momentum in the current decade owing to the Right to Information (RTI) Act through which various kinds of information can be acquired. In this post, I am interested in exploring the concept of data to understand how accountability and transparency are reified by using data as a primary tool. With the help of examples, I will put forward the contention that what is presented as data is in fact produced through multiple histories and contexts. Organizing /interpreting data without an understanding of some of these histories can only enforce existing stereotypes and/or lead to oversight. Continue reading Data, and its relationship with Accountability and Transparency →

Culture, Excavation, Images

एक पुराने कॉमरेड की अंतिम यात्रा: सांत्वना निगम

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The following story/reminiscence is a guest post by SANTWANA NIGAM

नोट: फ़ायरफ़ॉक्स या ऑपेरा इस्तेमाल करने वाले पाठक कृपया पढ़ते वक़्‍त फ़ॉन्ट बढ़ाने के लिए ( Ctrl +) दबाएं।

संस्मरण

एक पुराने कॉमरेड की अंतिम यात्रा

“साला भैंचो गॉरबाचोव, कैपिटलिस्टों का एजेंट … सब तोड़-फोड़ कर चकनाचूर कर दिया। युगों की मेहनत के ऊपर खड़े महल को ताश के घर की तरह ढहा दिया। हरामी ने ग्लासनोस्त हूँ: चूतिया कहीं का” संझले भैया चोट खाए सांप की तरह फुंफकार रहे थे। हालाँकि मेरा मन भी उदासी की गहरी परतों के नीचे दब चुका था, फिर भी मैंने जैसे उन्हें दिलासा देने के लिए कहा “भैया याद है? स्टडी सर्कल में जब हम तुमसे प्रश्न पूछते थे तुम अकसर कहते थे – ‘इतिहास अपने रास्ते पर चलता है लेकिन बेतरतीबी से नहीं – कार्यकारण से जुड़ी होती है सारी घटनाए। सड़ी गली समाज व्यवस्था से ही उपजती है क्रांति वग़ैरह-वग़ैरह।’ शायद उस समाज में भी सड़न आ गई थी, नहीं तो भुरभुराकर ढह कैसे गया?” “अरे रखो तुम्हारी अधकचरी थ्योरीज़, ख़ाक समझती हो, ख़ाक़ जानती हो।” भैया चिड़चिड़ा कर बोले। “मुझे तो लगता है साम्यवाद फिर से वापस आएगा, शायद किसी और शक़्ल में” मैंने कमज़ोर-सी आवाज़ में कहा। “खाक़ आएगा।” यह कैपिटलिस्ट सिस्टम, यह कंज़्यूमरिज़्म का दानव सब कुछ निगल जाएगा। संझले भैया दहाड़े। हरियाणा के एक छोटे-से क़स्बे के मकान के आँगन में यह वार्तालाप चल रहा था। मैं अपने “पुराने कॉमरेड” भाई से मिलने गई थी। महीने में एक बार जाती थी – पिछले तीस सालों से ।

Continue reading एक पुराने कॉमरेड की अंतिम यात्रा: सांत्वना निगम →

Debates, Left watch, Politics, Violence/Conflict

हिंसा की राजनीति बनाम जनांदोलन

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राजकीय हिंसा  के अन्यायपूर्ण होने को लेकर जिनके मन में कोई  शंका नहीं है, वे माओवादी या ‘जनता’की हिंसा के प्रश्न पर हिचकिचा जाते हैं.ऐसा इसलिए नहीं होता कि वे बेईमान हैं, बल्कि इस वजह से कि हिंसा को वैध राजनीतिक तरीका मानने को लेकर  चली आ रही बहस अभी ख़त्म नहीं हुई है. यह अलग बात है कि भगत सिंह जैसे बौद्धिक क्रांतिकारी पिछली सदी के पूर्वार्ध में ही यह समझ गए थे  कि  जन आंदोलनों  का कोई  विकल्प नहीं है. जनता की गोलबंदी,न कि हथियारबंद दस्तों के ज़रिये गुर्रिल्ला युद्ध,यह समझ भगत सिंह की बन रही थी.क्रांतिकारी कार्यक्रम का मसौदा में उन्होंने लिखा, “बम का रास्ता १९०५ से चला आ रहा है और क्रान्तिकारी भारत पर यह एक दर्दनाक टिप्पणी है….आतंकवाद हमारे समाज में क्रांतिकारी चिंतन के पकड़ के अभाव की अभिव्यक्ति है या एक पछतावा.इसी तरह यह अपनी असफलता का स्वीकार भी है. शुरू-शुरू में इसका कुछ लाभ था.इसने राजनीति को आमूल बदल दिया. नवयुवक बुद्धिजीवियों की सोच को चमकाया,आत्मत्याग की भावना को ज्वलंत रूप दिया और दुनिया व अपने दुश्मनों के सामने अपने आन्दोलन की सच्चाई को ज़ाहिर करने का अवसर मिला. लेकिन यह स्वयं में पर्याप्त नहीं है. सभी देशों में इसका इतिहास असफलता का इतिहास है…. . इसकी पराजय के बीज  इसके भीतर ही हैं.” इस उद्धरण से यह न समझ लिया जाए कि  भगत सिंह ने इस रास्ते से अपने आप को एकदम काट लिया था,पर यह साफ़ है कि वे बड़ी शिद्दत से यह महसूस करने लगे थे कि बिना सामूहिक कार्रवाई के  सफलता प्राप्त करना संभव नहीं.भगत सिंह के ये वाक्य मानीखेज और दिलचस्प है:”विशेषतः निराशा के समय आतंकवादी तरीका हमारे प्रचार-प्रसार में सहायक हो सकता है,लेकिन यह पटाखेबाजी के सिवाय कुछ है नहीं.”वे स्पष्टता से लिखते है, “क्रांतिकारी को निरर्थक आतंकवादी कार्रवाईयो और व्यतिगत आत्मबलिदान के दूषित चक्र में न डाला जाए. सभी के लिए उत्साहवर्द्धक आदर्श,उद्देश्य के लिए जीना -और वह भी लाभदायक तरीके से योग्य रूप में जीना – होना चाहिए.”
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Government, Law, Politics

Grootboom, Mayawati and Supreme Courts

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Mrs Irene Grootboom lived with her and sister’s family in a shack, about 20 meters square in Wallacedene, an informal settlement without water, electricity, sewage or rubbish collection services in the western Cape Town, South Africa. Most of the residents had been on the waiting list for subsidised housing for years. Mrs Grootboom and a few hundred others decided to take matters into their hands in 1998 and occupied a vacant farm that was privately owned and had been earmarked for low-cost housing. They were evicted through a court order, their new-built homes were bulldozed and their possessions burned. When a High Court judgement granted them government shelter, the government appealed to the Constitutional Court. The Court had to interpret article 26 of the new South African Constitution, Republic of South Africa, which provides that a) ‘everyone has the right to have access to adequate housing’; b) ‘the state must take reasonable legislative and other measures (such as policy and programs) to achieve the progressive realisation of this right’; and c) ‘within its available resources. The court decided to test whether the Cape Metropolitan Council’s housing program was ‘reasonable’.
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Culture, Identities, Images, Media politics, Politics

A Face Towel in Allahabad, 1984

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(Published with the title, The Actor’s Studio, in Outlook, Volume XLIX, No. 41, October 19, 2009.)

The late prime minister V.P. Singh’s memoir Manzilon se Zyaada Safar has an interesting episode pertaining to Amitabh Bachchan’s political baptism in Allahabad in 1984. The episode is not so much an event as it is an image. An image, which by its very opacity, by its presentation of a mask where we would normally expect to meet a face, continues to exercise a certain strange power. V.P. Singh, who was at that time the president of the UP state Congress party, recalls seeing Bachchan (whom he did not know of, he says, as he did not watch films) for the first time with his face “…covered in a towel”. Ever since I have read this, I can no longer see Amitabh Bachchan, not even retrospectively, without his face-towel on.

Rajiv Gandhi and his close advisors had decided that fielding Bachchan in the Lok Sabha elections for the Allahabad seat was a winning proposition. Bachchan was a friend, an Allahabad lad who had a cathartic place on the national stage and a decisive influence on the hairstyles and angst of millions. Continue reading A Face Towel in Allahabad, 1984 →

Politics

Saluting a Revolutionary: Jinee Lokaneeta

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This guest post was sent to us by JINEE LOKANEETA

On hearing about Balagopal’s passing, so many emotions go through my mind –  perhaps the most selfish thought of them all is that the conversations I have been having with his writings in my own work in the last few years, will never be held in person.

Having known him as long as I can remember being political, my earliest memories of him were of this extremely quiet and intense person who would often come to our house, barely look around, let alone interact much. Those were the early memories where we would often have activists come to our house but I had little realization of what it all meant. Years later, at the founding conference of Progressive Students Union in 1993, I remember meeting Balagopal again (this time knowing what he meant to the left progressive movement yet trying to reconcile that image with my own lack of interaction with him at home). I cheekily asked Balagopal whether he remembered who I was, whether he remembered his comrade’s daughter who he had met over the years mainly in the domestic sphere, I don’t actually remember what he said, but being the truly democratic minded individual, he did acknowledge the moment, laughed and never forgot after that…

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Violence/Conflict

The Passing Away of a Hero – Goodbye Balagopal

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A sense of irony is the only way for me to describe how I felt when I heard about Balagopal’s death. Ordinary people leading ordinary lives die of heart attacks. And despite the simplicity with which he led his life and interacted with people, every time one met Balagopal or heard him you always  knew you were in the presence of someone extraordinary. Whenever he left after any meeting, Balagopal left you a little scared about whether you would ever see him again. As a result of the position that he took- against the violence of the state as well as the violence of the Maoists, you were always left with the lurching fear that any point of time, you would be given the news that Balagopal had been killed in an encounter.

At the same time it is perhaps not surprising that despite living a life which was scripted towards a violent death, it was only appropriate that his death transcended any partisan act of violence. Film maker Deepa Dhanraj captures the essence of Balagopal when she describes him as a ‘moral force’ whose authority emerged from the integrity with which he led his life and the courage with which he stood by his belief. If Balagopal was a regular anti violent activist or a pacifist, then there would have been nothing surprising about his stance on violence, and to argue for the importance of non violence would hardly be an act of courage. But for someone who had spent a better part of his life in struggles, and in battles against the impunity of the state, the commitment to an ethical position on violence becomes a deeply ethical choice of bravery.

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Bad ideas, Capitalism, Identities, Media politics, Politics

Violence in Consumerism’s Own Country

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As the stories of the DHRM and those of the successful negotiations with which the Chengara land struggle has ended continue to unfurl in the Malayalee media, contradictory messages about Dalit political struggle continue to reverberate in Kerala. Dalits have been markedly reserved about the outcome of the talks with which the land struggle at Chengara has ended. Laha Gopalan, the leader and chief negotiator, has openly declared that the settlement was a hurried one, and that he agreed to it mainly out of fear of violence, given that the divisions have been created among the landless people at Chengara, whose patience has worn thin. Meanwhile, the DHRM’s violence continues to offer opportunities for potshots at Dalit politics. The Kerala Chief Minister, for instance, issued ‘warnings’ against ‘identity politics’ on Gandhi Jayanti, as if ‘identity politics’ were the same as ‘violence’.

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Culture, Everyday Life, Identities, Right watch

A postcard from Bombay for Raj

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Don’t think it’s a good idea and you’ll do it one of these days. Do it today! Go to your nearest post office, buy a postcard and address it to Raj Thackeray. Don’t be abusive, write a peace message, and when you write the MNS office address, write BOMBAY instead of Mumbai. And shoot it off today! If you like the idea, buy more than a few postcards and give them to friends.

Details here.

Countryside, Politics

Some stories are never told

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So what is Maywati in news for? For statues and concrete parks, for being reprimanded by the Supreme Court and for being insecure about Rahul Gandhi trying to woo Dalit voters away from her. And for not garlanding Gandhi.

Did anyone tell you the story of a scheme she came up with, a simple one, nothing as complicated as Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Corruption Guarantee Act. A scheme that simply hires sweepers for the village, from the village.

Well, someone just did, and I can’t thank him enough. Here it is.

There are many such stories, but we don’t want to hear them. Let’s just gaze at the Mayawati statue and wonder when it’s coming down.

Government, Law, Left watch, Politics

नक्सलवाद के ख़िलाफ़ अभियान कि नाम पर

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नक्सलवादियों के खिलाफ केंद्र का अभियान शुरू हो गया है. जनमत को अपने इस हिंसक अभियान के पक्ष में करने के लिए केंद्र ने अखबारों में पूरे पृष्ठ के विज्ञापन दिए  जिनमें ‘माओवादियों’ या ‘नक्सलवादियों’ के हाथों मारे गए लोगों की तसवीरें थीं. इनसे शायद यह साबित करने की कोशिश की गयी थी कि माओवादी हत्यारे  हैं, इसलिए उनके विरुद्ध चलने वाले अभियान में अगर राज्य की तरफ से हत्याएं होती हैं तो उन पर ऐतराज नहीं किया जाना चाहिए. इस विज्ञापन के फौरन बाद छतीसगढ़ में राज्य की कारवाई में साथ माओवादियों के मारे जाने का दावा किया गया.  छत्तीसगढ़ के मानवाधिकार कार्यकर्ताओं ने इसके प्रमाण पेश कर दिए कि मारे गए लोग  साधारण आदिवासी थे ,न कि माओवादी,  जैसा पुलिस का दावा था. केन्द्रीय गृहमंत्री ने इसी के आस-पास छत्तीसगढ़  में यह कहा कि माओवादियों के विरुद्ध राजकीय अभियान में मानवाधिकार कार्यकर्ताओं को रास्ते में नहीं आने दिया जाएगा. वे यह कहने की कोशिश कर रहे थे कि माओवादियों के खिलाफ चल रही जंग में मानवाधिकार कार्यकर्ताओं ने अड़ंगा डाला है, अब यह बर्दाश्त नहीं किया जाएगा. इस नए संकल्प पर हंसा भी नहीं जाता. मानवाधिकार कार्यकर्ताओं की अगर इतनी ताकत होती तो बिनायक सेन को दो साल तक जेल में न रहना पड़ता.

छत्तीसगढ़ जैसी जगह में मानवाधिकार की बात करना अपनी जान को जोखिम में डालना है , यह हिमांशु से पूछिए जिनके बीस साल पुराने आश्रम को गैर-कानूनी तरीके से बुलडोजर लगा कर ढाह दिया गया.हिमांशु कोई  माओवादी नहीं हैं, बल्कि वे तो माओवादियों के गुस्से के निशाने पर भी रहे हैं. फिर भी हिमांशु का न्याय-बोध डगमगाया नहीं और उन्होंने छत्तीससगढ़ में पुलिस और सलवा-जुडूम की कार्रवाई के बारे में हमेशा सच बताने की अपनी जिद बनाए रखी. हिमांशु इस धारणा के खिलाफ हैं कि छत्तीसगढ़ में सिर्फ दो पक्ष हैं, एक राज्य का और दूसरा माओवादियों का . वे वहां के आदिवासियों के अपने गावों में रहने , अपने जमीन पर खेती करने के हक की हिफाजत की लडाई में उनके साथ हैं. क्या यह सच नहीं और क्या इस पर बात नहीं की जानी चाहिए कि सलवा जुडूम   के दौरान गाँव  के गाँव जला दिए गए और आदिवासियों को मजबूर किया गया कि वे सरकारी शिविरों में रहें !क्या यह सवाल राज्य से नहीं पूछा जाना चाहिए कि तकरीबन साधे छः सौ गाँवों से विस्थापित कर दिए  गए दो लाख से ऊपर आदिवासी कहाँ लापता हो गए क्योंकि वे शिविरों में तो नहीं हैं! अगर शिविरों में अमानवीय परिस्थियों में रहने को मजबूर पचास हजार आदिवासियों के अलावा बाकी की खोज करें तो क्या इस पर बात न की जाए कि क्या वे बगल के आंध्रप्रदेश में विस्थापितों का जीवन जी रहे हैं और जो वहां नहीं भाग पाए वे छत्तीसगढ़ के जंगलों में छिपे हुए हैं। जंगलों मे छिपे,या बेहतर हो हम कहें कि जंगलों में फंसे आदिवासी क्या माओवादियों की सेना के सदस्य मान लिए गए हैं!
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Bad ideas, Culture, Identities, Law, Media politics, Movements, Politics, Violence/Conflict

More on Murder from Kerala

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These are happy days in which everyone in Kerala wants too settle the land dispute at Chengara. A happy consensus between the Left and the Right seems to be growing there, after the Congress leader of the Opposition, Oommen Chandy, decided to take on Godfathership of the land struggle. The very language of the struggle had changed – interestingly, from ‘we are landless squatters’ to ‘we are settlers’! Now, it is well-known in Kerala that these terms have had different sorts of political associations – ‘squatter’ with the Left, and ‘settler’ with (largely) the Right. Indeed, this was inevitable perhaps, given the fact that the New Left didn’t look very keen on ‘squatters’. However, it is clear that neither dalit or tribal organisations are going to be part of the negotiations towards the final package –today’s newspapers report that prominent tribal and dalit leaders have protested against the state’s reluctance to negotiate with them. It would be very convenient for both the Left and the Right to delegitimize – indeed criminalize – tribal and dalit organizations. And what luck that precisely that boon has been granted to them by the sudden eruption of a ‘lower-caste terrorist group’ (according to the police), the ‘Dalit Human Rights Movement’!

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DISSENT, DEBATE, CREATE