Category Archives: Debates

Staking the Terrain – Political Economy, Environmental History and Nature Conservation: Shashank Kela

Guest post by SHASHANK KELA

The aim of this essay is to make connections between things that are usually studied separately – environmental history, political economy, conservation practice and adivasi politics – and I apologize in advance for the demands it makes upon the reader’s attention. The belief that this potential convergence could do with wider discussion is my sole justification for putting it up here.

Environmental history in India is not a very old discipline – the first mongraphs began appearing in the 1980s, and more and more books and papers have been added to the historiography since 2000. Let us examine certain themes as outlined in a cross-section of recent scholarship.

One key debate centers upon whether the colonial period can be regarded as an ecological watershed. An influential book by Ramchandra Guha and Madhav Gadgil argued that, before the advent of colonialism, there existed a harmonizing tendency between human beings and the environment, a balance between resource use and preservation mediated largely through the caste system: colonialism shattered this equilibrium and the values associated with it.[1] This idealizing view, eliding different time periods and state structures, was bound to come under attack and much subsequent scholarship has been devoted to unpicking its conclusions.

Sumit Guha shows how at least one natural resource, namely wild grass for fodder, had become scarce in the Deccan by the Maratha period thanks to the demands of armies, nobles and zamindars, who engrossed it by enclosing tracts of common land. This fierce arbitrariness fostered a system of free grazing and discouraged sustainable management through collective protection of the commons.[2] Meanwhile the argument that sacred groves are strands of untouched forest – repositories of biodiversity – is refuted by Claude Garcia and J-P Pascal in their study of Kodagu.[3] Far from being untouched, groves there are heavily used and managed, and show clear signs of degradation associated with use. Continue reading Staking the Terrain – Political Economy, Environmental History and Nature Conservation: Shashank Kela

माँ, तुझे सलाम! कविता कृष्णन

अतिथि पोस्ट : कविता कृष्णन

“Scout,” said Atticus, “nigger-lover is just one of those terms that don’t mean anything—like snot-nose. It’s hard to explain—ignorant, trashy people use it when they think somebody’s favoring Negroes over and above themselves. It’s slipped into usage with some people like ourselves, when they want a common, ugly term to label somebody.”

“You aren’t really a nigger-lover, then, are you?”

“I certainly am. I do my best to love everybody… I’m hard put, sometimes—baby, it’s never an insult to be called what somebody thinks is a bad name. It just shows you how poor that person is, it doesn’t hurt you.” (To Kill A Mockingbird, Chapter 11)

‘Now, there is a long and honourable tradition in the gay community and it has stood us in good stead for a very long time. When somebody calls you a name – you take it. And you own it.’ (Pride, 2014)

‘टू किल अ मॉकिंगबर्ड’ उपन्यास 1950 के दशक के अमेरिका के दक्षिणी राज्यों में नस्लवाद की कहानी है. उसमें एक वकील जिनका नाम एटिकस है, एक काले नस्ल के आदमी की पैरवी करते हैं जिस पर बलात्कार का गलत आरोप लगाया गया है. एटिकस की 8 साल की बेटी स्कौट कहती है की गाँव के लोग कह रहे हैं कि मेरे पिताजी ‘हब्शी-प्रेमी’ है. वह पूछती है कि इसका क्या अर्थ है, सुनकर लगता है कोई गाली है, जैसे किसी ने मुझे ‘बन्दर’ कहा हो, पर इसका क्या मतलब है?

Continue reading माँ, तुझे सलाम! कविता कृष्णन

Why exoneration of Sadhvi Pragya should worry everyone who stands for justice

Why exoneration of Sadhvi Pragya should worry everyone who stands for justice

There are a few photographs which the bigwigs of the Hindutva Brigade/Sangh Parivar would like to be erased from public memory. One such photograph shows Sadhvi Pragya, an ex-member of the ABVP, sitting with Shivraj Singh Chouhan, Chief Minister of Madhya Pradesh, Rajnath Singh and few others. As it was later revealed they had gathered to console the widow of a BJP leader from MP, who had just died.

Public memory is very short but one can stretch it a bit to recollect the tremendous consternation in BJP/RSS circles when Sadhvi Pragya was arrested by the Anti Terrorist Squad led by the legendary police office Hemant Karkare on 23 October, 2008 for her alleged role in the 2008 Malegaon bomb blast. This photograph had suddenly gone viral when there were denials by many leaders of the saffron brigade that they had never met her.

Now that the NIA, the federal agency established by the government to combat terror in India, has given a ‘clean chit’ to Sadhvi Pragya and few of her accomplices, should one expect that all those photographs showing her proximity to various leaders of the saffron establishment would be prominently exhibited? It must be remembered that leaders of BJP have even claimed that it was an act of “treason” to arrest her.

(Read the remaining article here : http://www.catchnews.com/politics-news/why-exoneration-of-sadhvi-pragya-should-worry-everyone-who-stands-for-justice-1463399413.html)

Choice, Agency and the Naming of Names – The Trap of ‘Immediate Identities’ and the Vision of a Democratic Revolution: Chintu Kumari & Umar Khalid

Paired Guest Posts by CHINTU KUMARI and UMAR KHALID

[ Every struggle goes through highs and lows. The students who are part of the  movements that are spreading out of universities in India – Hyderabad Central University, Jawaharlal Nehru University and Jadavpur University have had their share of internal debates and disagreements, even as they have found moments of significant victory. and solidarity

Students at JNU who have recently concluded their hunger strike to give time to the university authorities to respond reasonably to the High Court directives on the HLEC punishments are now being criticized for having ‘abandoned the struggle’ by some sections who claim to play a role within the broader students movement, when, in fact, nothing of that sort has actually happened.

The majority of the students who were on hunger strike (including several JNUSU office bearers, and others) have said that they have given up the hunger strike against the HLEC recommendations in keeping with the court order.  In doing so, they have never said that they are suspending the agitation against the attempts by the JNU administration to weaken OBC reservation in admissions, hostel seats and deprivation points for women and oppressed sections of society.

In fact it is not as if the HLEC punishments issue has taken precedence over the other issues. It is actually the other way round. The students have decided to give priority to the struggle for ’social justice’ within the campus, while simultaneously giving time to the university authorities to respond adequately to the court directive on the HLEC punishment question.The call for a demonstration against the University Authorities by the JNUSU to continue the struggle on the social justice issues on the 16th of May is indicative of this fact.

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The attacks and insinuations against the majority of the students at JNU who were on hunger strike have also featured a deliberate attempt to create divisions within the unified ‘Red-Blue’ / ‘Jai Bhim-Lal Salaam’ dynamics of the movement on the grounds of identity. Activists, such as Umar Khalid, on the left have been singled out for being ‘Savarna-Syed’, if they happen to bear a Muslim name, and for being ‘sold out to the Savarna left’ if they are Dalit, as happened with Chintu Kumari and Rama Naga. This attack has come primarily from individuals representing organizations like BAPSA that claim to speak from a ‘Dalit’ position, and it is given traction by several other individuals eager to flaunt their disdain for the ‘left’ students on Facebook and social media.  Continue reading Choice, Agency and the Naming of Names – The Trap of ‘Immediate Identities’ and the Vision of a Democratic Revolution: Chintu Kumari & Umar Khalid

Who will Educate the Educators? Reflections on JNU today: Janaki Nair

Guest Post by JANAKI NAIR

 In an interview to the journal Frontline on February 16, 2016, just 11 days before he took over one of India’s most prestigious universities, Prof Jagadesh Kumar had this to say:

I am a defender of free expression of thought in a democratic set-up and students are free to question me or challenge my views. I believe in constructive criticism, and as long as it is done peacefully and within the boundaries of the law, there is no problem.

Declaring his  two top priorities, of which one was the redressal of  infrastructural shortcomings, he desired

to improve the learning environment by making it more student-centric. Some of the faculty are great researchers, but they do not have much understanding of teaching. What I want to do requires cooperation from faculty members.

These words, which Prof Kumar has thus far not refuted or denied, should be recalled today, more than three months after his takeover, the  most tumultous months the University has ever known.  It is too early to judge the VC on his infrastructure  promise, as some of us continue to make  bone rattling journeys on cycles over  the most rutted roads on the campus.  Continue reading Who will Educate the Educators? Reflections on JNU today: Janaki Nair

बेहद पोंगापंथी और जातिवादी हैं प्रवासी भारतीय

आम धारणा है कि एक भारतीय विदेश की सरजमीन पर पैर रखते ही जेंटलमैन बन जाता है। वह सभ्यता के नए मूल्यों से परिचित होता है, अपने देश की तमाम रूढ़ियों से नाता तोड़ लेता है और सही मायने में एक आधुनिक व्यक्ति बन जाता है। यह बात एक हद तक ही सही है। कुछ लोगों में भले ही परिवर्तन आ जाता हो पर एक बड़े हिस्से पर शायद उल्टा ही असर होता है। भारत के बाहर जहां-जहां भारतीय बसे हैं, वहां उन्होंने न केवल जाति आधारित संगठनों, संस्थाओं की स्थापना की है बल्कि वहां भी वे निम्न कही जानेवाली जातियों के साथ खुल्लमखुल्ला भेदभाव करने में संकोच नहीं करते। लेकिन उनके चरित्र के दोहरेपन का आलम यह है कि वे चाहते हैं कि ये बातें ढकी-छुपी रहें। वहां के लोग यह सब न जानें।

आजकल अमेरिका के एक बड़े राज्य कैलिफॉर्निया की पाठ्यपुस्तकों में संशोधन चल रहा है। यह एक रूटीन प्रोसेस है जिसके तहत सिलेबस में नए विषय या तथ्य शामिल किए जाते हैं। इस क्रम में वहां सिलेबस में हिंदुओं के बारे में भी कुछ सूचनाएं शामिल की जा रही हैं। लेकिन इस पर विवाद हो गया है कि जानकारियों को किस रूप में रखा जाए। भारतीयों का एक तबका चाहता है कि प्राचीन तथ्यों को नए सिरे से लिखा जाए और हिंदू समाज में मौजूद वर्ण व्यवस्था या छुआछूत की बात को साफ गोल कर दिया जाए। अमेरिका में रह रही दलित ऐक्टिविस्ट थेनमोझि सुंदरराजन ने पिछले दिनों ‘द हफिंग्टन पोस्ट’ में इस संबंध में एक लेख लिखा है जिसके मुताबिक प्रवासी भारतीयों के एक हिस्से में सक्रिय ‘धर्मा सिविलाइजेशन फाउंडेशन’ की तरफ से दलील दी जा रही है कि हिंदुओं में जाति एवं पुरुष सत्ता का जिक्र किया जाएगा तो इससे हिंदू बच्चे ‘हीन भावना’ से ग्रस्त हो जाएंगे। यह उनकी ‘प्रताड़ना’ का सबब बन सकता है, लिहाजा इस उल्लेख को टाल दिया जाए।

सुंदरराजन बताती हैं कि ऊपरी तौर पर आकर्षक लगने वाली यह दलील सच्चाई पर पर्दा डालने जैसी है क्योंकि वही तर्क नस्लवाद के संदर्भ में भी इस्तेमाल किया जा सकता है और किताबों से उसकी चर्चा भी गायब की जा सकती है। लेकिन इन कोशिशों का विरोध भी हो रहा है। विभिन्न धर्मों व नस्लों से जुड़े संगठनों ने एकजुट होकर पाठ्यपुस्तकों में ऐसे हेरफेर की मुहिम पर आपत्ति जताई है। उनका कहना है कि दक्षिण एशिया के इस हिस्से में जातिगत और धार्मिक असहिष्णुता या संस्थागत भेदभाव के प्रसंग को गायब करना न सिर्फ इतिहास को नकारने जैसा है बल्कि यह गैर लोकतांत्रिक भी है। Continue reading बेहद पोंगापंथी और जातिवादी हैं प्रवासी भारतीय

Degrees of Self-Deception: Rama Srinivasan

Guest post by RAMA SRINIVASAN

Modi and his double, image courtesy, IndiaTV news
Modi and his double, image courtesy, IndiaTV news

As the crisis of fake degrees blows over I want to be the one to ask the naïve question: Why would Narendra Modi lie? I know it is a naïve question because lies are the most banal political strategy ever. There is a man in US today who repeatedly states that he will make the Mexican government pay for a beautiful, great wall on the border of US and Mexico and people believe him with a degree of sincerity that is frightening. In 2014, at least 31 percent of eligible Indian voters believed in Modi’s promises of development and some of them still do. There may be some who, at the end of the five years, actually believe that Modi has delivered on those promises. But such lies are different. My question is simply: why would he lie on an affidavit which functions as a legally-binding oath?

In his previous election affidavit filed for 2012 Gujarat elections he had left the spouse’s name column empty but following ‘strict legal advice’ he agreed to mention his wife’s name on the affidavit filed for Lok Sabha elections. Technically he had withheld information in previous affidavits which amounts to a legal offence since he had not filed his papers to ‘the best of his knowledge’ but this is not the same as actively lying as it now turns out could be the case with his educational qualifications. Legal experts will determine what is tantamount to punishable crime but if Modi did have legal counsel, who advised him to “come clean on the marriage” as this Times of India article states, why would he continue to provide inaccurate information on other aspects of life?

One speculative answer could be that he knew he was being closely watched as he made his bid for the PM’s post and that his papers would be scrutinised and compared with previous drafts. So it made sense to remain consistent with some of the information even though he had obviously been cornered on the question of his marital status. And yet, as the story of how Modi came to acknowledge the existence of his wife Jashodaben proves, if he had to reveal inconsistencies in previous records, 2014 would have been the best time to do this. No amount of exposés could have hurt the man at that time – his bhakt army, on and offline, on Twitter, were efficiently managing the show and could provide a useful media spin/misdirection to take the focus away from the affidavit that declared to the world that Jashodaben’s repeated claims regarding her marriage and abandonment were not unfounded. Even as the Gujarat Congress urged the state Election Commission, unsuccessfully, to reject his application on the grounds that he had not provided information regarding his spouse’s assets or PAN card number, Modi cruised to victory since his deliberate inconsistencies seem to matter very little to voters.

At that point Modi, indeed, seemed invincible. He was giving explosive speeches and deftly avoiding uncomfortable questions from journalists. In an interview with Rajdeep Sardesai, Modi replied to an indirect question on 2002 with this classic deflection tactic: “My best wishes are with you, Rajdeep Sardesai. You have been living off this issue for the last 10 years … I have heard that those who curse Modi get Rajya Sabha seats or Padma awards. So you have my best wishes to continue this campaign (against Modi) and reach Rajya Sabha or win Padma awards with help of your friends.” What was apparent in the interview is now widely acknowledged as the process of constructing a larger-than-life image, where the man referred to himself in third person. Continue reading Degrees of Self-Deception: Rama Srinivasan

But She was a Law Student …

 

In a way that is perhaps unprecedented, today, a very large number of Malayalis feel connected to each other by a veritable tsunami of pain. No wonder perhaps, because the veils of our complacency have been ripped off too thoroughly. The immediate context is the gruesome murder of a young Dalit student in central Kerala, in the tiny, rickety squatter-shack that was her home, in full daylight.

At a single stroke, the incident fully exposed the dimensions of social exclusion in contemporary Kerala. Hers was an all-woman family among families deemed ‘properly gendered’, they were lower caste people trapped and isolated among upper and middle caste families, they were the working-class poor without property in an area full of propertied domestic-oriented bourgeois and petty-bourgeois families. Oppressed in all these ways, they were invisible to the state and the political parties. They possessed no form of capital that would have allowed them upward mobility. Yet, the young woman struggled on and reached the law college.

‘But she went to college’, some ask, ‘how could she have been so helpless?’

Read the rest of the article here 

 

 

 

Run Jaggu Run — The JNU VC Runs Away from the Academic Council Meeting

The 10th of May, the 13th Day of the Hunger Strike by JNU Students in protest against the HLEC Report was also the day scheduled for a meeting of the Academic Council of JNU. Students and faculty had resolved to stage a massive protest. Student and Faculty members of the Academic Council had also resolved to forcefully present issues related to the current crisis in the university at the AC Meeting. The events of the day are presented here through a series of videos and photographs uploaded by different people from JNU.

[ Video by Samim Asgor Ali, taken from his Youtube Channel ]

They tell the story of how students were generous with their tormentor, the VC, Jagadeesh Kumar, and how he ran away.

One day, his backers, Smriti Irani, Rajnath Singh and even Narendra Modi, and all the goons in the RSS headquarters at Mahal, Nagpur and Jhandewalan, Delhi will have to run for cover in a similar fashion when faced with the ‘gift’ of the fruits of their actions.

Photo by Samim Asgor Ali
Photo by Samim Asgor Ali

The students gathered on hunger strike collected their meals from their hotel messes and placed them in front of the AC meeting venue as a ‘gift’ to the Vice Chancellor, JNU and the university administration. Continue reading Run Jaggu Run — The JNU VC Runs Away from the Academic Council Meeting

रोहित वेमुला हम तुम्हारे दिखाए हुए रास्ते पर चल रहे हैं: अनन्त प्रकाश नारायण

अतिथि पोस्ट : अनन्त प्रकाश नारायण

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भूख हड़ताल का बारहवां दिन (12th Days) चल रहा है. प्रशासन कितना दवाब में है कुछ भी कहा नही जा सकता है. हाँ, अगल बगल के हालात देख कर, बात-चीत सुन कर इतना तो जरुर समझ में आ रहा है कि कुछ तो “अन्दर” जरुर चल रहा है. अध्यापक संघ हमारे साथ खड़ा है. उन्होंने हमारे समर्थन में एक दिन का भूख हड़ताल भी किया और अब क्रमिक भूख हड़ताल पर है. हमसे हमारे शुभचिंतको द्वारा बार बार आग्रह किया जा रहा है कि हम भूख हड़ताल को छोड़े. हम जब इस भूख हड़ताल पर बैठ रहे थे तो हमारे सामने की स्थिति ने हमे चेता दिया था कि ये करो या मरो की स्थिति है. इसलिए हमने नारा/स्लोगन भी दिया कि ये भूख हड़ताल हमारी मांगो तक या फिर हमारी मौत तक. हमारी मांग बिलकुल स्पष्ट है कि हम अलोकतांत्रिक, जातिवादी उच्चस्तरीय जांच कमिटी को नहीं मानते है. इसलिए इसके आधार पर हम कुछ छात्र-छात्राओ पर जो आरोप व दंड लगाये गए है उनको ख़ारिज किया जाये और प्रशासन बदले की भावना से इन छात्र-छात्राओ पर कार्यवाही करना बंद करे और जे.एन.यू. के एडमिशन पालिसी को लेकर कुछ मांगे है. सजा क्या है? कुछ का विश्वविद्यालय से निष्कासन, कुछ का हॉस्टल-निष्कासन और कुछ लोगों पर भारी जुर्माने की राशि और कुछ लोगों के उपर यह सब कुछ. अब जब हम आन्दोलन में है तो यह साफ़ साफ़ देख पा रहे है कि यही तो हुआ था हैदराबाद के साथियों के साथ. एक एक चीज हू-ब-हू बिलकुल इसी तरह. इसी तरह से हॉस्टल से निकल कर सड़क पर रहने के लिए विवश किया गया था. इसी तरह तो कोशिश की गई थी रोहित और उसके साथियों को देश और दुनिया के सामने एंटी-नेशनल के तमगे से नवाज देने की. नतीजा क्या हुआ सबके सामने है.

इस भूख हड़ताल के दौरान लोग हमसे मिलने आ रहे है. कुछ लोगों ने जुर्माने की राशि को जुटाने का प्रस्ताव दिया, तो कुछ लोगों ने खुद ही जुर्माने की राशि देने का प्रस्ताव दिया. हम उनके प्रति अपना आभार प्रकट करते हैं. लेकिन क्या यह लड़ाई कुछ दंण्ड/जुर्माने के खिलाफ लड़ाई है? नहीं, यह लड़ाई देश बचने की लड़ाई है. बहुत ही सरल शब्दों में कहा जाये तो इस लड़ाई से यह तय होगा कि इस सत्ता/सरकार के रहते इस देश में विरोध की आवाजो/dissents के लिए कोई जगह होगी की नहीं. जे.एन.यू का प्रोग्रेसिव स्टूडेंट मूवमेंट अपने क्रांतिकारी कलेवर के साथ अपनी पहचान लिए खड़ा रहता है. यह क्रांतिकारी स्टूडेंट मूवमेंट यह तय तो करता ही है कि इस कैंपस  को इतना समावेसित/इंक्लूसिव बना कर रखा जाये कि समाज के सबसे निचले तबके के लिए भी यह विश्वविद्यालय का गेट खुला रहे लेकिन साथ ही साथ इस छात्र-आन्दोलन ने अन्दर और बाहर के मुद्दे का भी भेद मिटा दिया और देश के सामने एक वैकल्पिक राजनीति का मॉडल ले करके सामने आया.

बीते दिनों इस स्टूडेंट-मूवमेंट के साथ साथ पूरे जे.एन.यू को निशाने पर लिया गया और इसे एक संस्थान के रूप में देश-विरोधी ठहरा देने का प्रयास हुआ. आखिर देश है क्या? आखिर हम देशभक्ति माने किसे? अभी कुछ दिनों पहले हम देश की विभिन्न जगहों पर कैम्पेन में थे. उन सभाओ व परिचर्चाओ के दौरान भी देशभक्ति चर्चा का एक गर्म विषय रहा. उन सवालों को करने वाले लोग ही कई बार इन सवालो का जवाब दे देते. वो भारत का नक्शा दिखा कर के और भारत की सीमाओं को दिखाते हुए बोलते इन सीमाओं के भीतर जो कुछ भी है देश है. इसका मतलब पेड़-पौधे, रेलगाड़ी, प्लेटफार्म, पहाड़, जंगल, कारखाने, यहाँ के लोग, खनिज-संपदा, नदियाँ, तालाब, इत्यादि सब कुछ देश है. इस दौरान मुझे अपवादिक रूप से भी कोई ऐसा व्यक्ति नहीं मिला जिसने देश की इस परिभाषा से असहमति जताई. देश के लिए प्रतीक बने, संविधान बना, कानून बने और जैसे-जैसे यह देश बदलता जाता है, आगे बढ़ता जाता है, उसी के आधार पर प्रतीक से ले करके कानून तक सब चीज़ों में परिवर्तन होता जाता  है. देश के लिए प्रतीक होते हैं, प्रतीकों का कोई देश नहीं होता है. देश लगातार चलने वाली एक प्रक्रिया का हिस्सा है. देश रोज़ बनता है और हमेशा नये ढंग में हमारे सामने आता रहता है, जिसे इस देश का गरीब, किसान, मजदूर और बाकी मेहनतकश लोग बनाते है. अब लड़ाई इस बात की है कि यह देश किसका है? और इसका मालिक कौन होगा? इस देश की संपत्ति, संसाधनों पर हक किसका होगा? यही गरीब, मजदूर, किसान और मेहनतकश लोग जो रोज़ इस देश को बनाते है, जब अपने हक के लिए खडे होते है तो इस देश की सत्ता/सरकार चंद पूंजीपतियों के साथ क्यूँ खड़ी हो जाती है? और इस देश को बनाने वालों के हक में जब जे.एन.यू. जैसे संस्थान आवाज़ उठाते हैं तो उसे देशद्रोही करार देने की कोशिश क्यों होती है?

जिस समय जे.एन.यू. का मसला ही पूरे देश में चर्चा का विषय बना रहा उस समय जे.एन.यू. प्रशासन व इस देश की सत्ता ने बड़ी चालाकी से अपने मंसूबों को पूरा करने में इस समय का इस्तेमाल किया. यह सर्वविदित है कि  जे.एन.यू. अपनी एडमिशन पालिसी  के कारण ही अपना एक इनक्लूसिव/समावेशिक कैरेक्टर बना पाया है. लगभग 24 साल से चली आ रही इस पालिसी को प्रशासन ने बदल दिया और स्टूडेंट कम्युनिटी को कुछ खबर तक नहीं हुई. दूसरा, ओबीसी के मिनिमम एलिजिबिलिटी कट ऑफ, जिसको चार साल (4 years) के लम्बे संघर्ष के बाद सुप्रीम कोर्ट तक जा करके इस जे.एन.यू. प्रशासन के खिलाफ जीत कर लाया गया था और इसे सिर्फ जे.एन.यू. नही पूरे देश के संस्थानों के लिए अनिवार्य किया गया था, उसको ख़त्म कर दिया गया और किसी को कानो-कान खबर नहीं हुई. इसी तर्ज पर दूसरी तरफ सत्ता में बैठे लोगों ने इस समय का फायदा विजय माल्या को इस देश के बाहर भेजने के लिए इस्तेमाल किया. ये सत्ता/सरकार की बहुत ही पुरानी तरकीब रही है कि अगर देश की कुछ रियल समस्याएँ हैं तो उसकी तरफ से ध्यान भटकाने के लिए कुछ ऐसा करो कि इस देश के लोगों का ध्यान उधर जाए ही ना. इस सरकार के 2 साल बीत जाने के बाद इनके पास ऐसा कुछ भी नहीं है जो इस देश के लोगों के सामने गिना सके कि हमने क्या किया. ये चुनाव पर चुनाव हारते जा रहे हैं. तब इन्होने इस देश के लोगों का ध्यान उनकी विफलता से हटाने के लिए जे.एन.यू. “काण्ड” को गढ़ा. इस साजिश को साफ़ साफ़ समझा जा सकता है कि जब जे.एन.यू. का आन्दोलन चल रहा था उस समय भाजपा अध्यक्ष ने घोषणा की कि वह इस मामले को लेकर के यू.पी. के घर-घर में जाएंगे. यूपी के घर घर ही क्यूँ? क्यूंकि वहाँ चुनाव आने वाले हैं. धूमिल ने सत्ता/सरकार के इसी साजिश की ओर इशारा करते हुए हमे सावधान किया और लिखा कि

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बहस के लिए भूख की जगह भाषा को रख दिया है….

अगर धूमिल की इसी बात को और आगे बढाते हुए कहा जाए तो आज भूख की जगह प्रतीकों/सिम्बल्स/नारों को रखने की कोशिश चल रही है. यानि हमारे जीवन की रियल समस्याओ से ध्यान हटा देने की हर बार की तरह एक कोशिश, एक साजिश .

जे.एन.यू. में जब ये आन्दोलन चल रहा है तब इस आन्दोलन को लेकर तरह तरह की शंकाए/भय, जो कि बहुत  हद तक जायज़ भी है, ज़ाहिर किये जा रहे हैं. हमको यह कहा जा रहा है की इस प्रशासन से हमें कोई उम्मीद नहीं रखनी चाहिए. हम इस बात से पूरी तरह सहमत हैं कि हमें इस प्रशासन से कोई उम्मीद नहीं रखनी चाहिए. तब इस स्थिति में हमें क्या करना चाहिए? हमारे सामने क्या रास्ता है? हमारे ऊपर जो दंडात्मक कार्यवाहियां हुई है, उनको मान लेना चाहिये? हमारा यह साफ़ साफ़ मानना है कि ये दंडात्मक कार्यवाहियां हमारे उपर एक विचारधारात्मक कार्यवाही (ideological punishment) है. भले ही यह कार्यवाही कुछ छात्र-छात्राओं पर की गयी है लेकिन इसका निशाना पूरा जे.एन.यू. ही है. इसका कारण स्पष्ट है कि जे.एन.यू. साम्प्रदायिकता व साम्राज्यवाद विरोधी होने के कारण हमेशा से सत्ता के निशाने पर रहा है. यहाँ पर समाज के हर तबके की आवाज़ के लिए एक जगह है और इतना ही काफी है आरएसएस के लिए कि वह जे.एन.यू. विरोधी हो. जेएनयू के छात्र आन्दोलन की विशेषता है कि यह कैम्पस के मुद्दों को उठाने के साथ साथ देश दुनिया में चल रही प्रत्येक चीज़ पर सजग रहता है, और ज़रूरत पड़ने पर हस्तक्षेप भी करता है और इसी का परिणाम है कि इस सरकार के सत्ता में आने से पहले और बाद में हमेशा से जब भी इन्होने इस देश के लोगों के खिलाफ कदम उठाएं हैं तब-तब इन्हें यहाँ के छात्रों के आन्दोलन/विरोध का सामना करना पडा है.

अब इन सारी चीज़ों को ध्यान में रखकर देखें तो हमें क्या करना चाहिए? नए कुलपति/वाईस-चांसलर साहब की नियुक्ति हुई है, वो अपने संघ के एजेंडे पर बेशर्मी और पूरी इमानदारी के साथ काम कर रहे है. उनको जे.एन.यू. के कैरेक्टर को ख़त्म करना है. ऐसे समय में छात्र-आन्दोलन की ज़िम्मेदारी क्या होगी? क्या हम लोग इस देश के छात्र-आन्दोलन के प्रति जवाबदेह नहीं है जबकि आज एक ऐतिहासिक जवाबदेही हमारे कंधो पर है. जे.एन.यू. के छात्र-आन्दोलन को इस देश में एक सम्मानजनक स्थान हासिल है. कई लोग तो इसे भारतीय छात्र-आन्दोलन का लाइट हाउस तक भी कह देते हैं. यह सही बात है कि हम जब किसी आन्दोलन में होते हैं तो हम यह तय करते है  कि इस आन्दोलन से हमें कम से कम क्या निकाल कर लाना है. लेकिन इस आन्दोलन में क्या कुछ कम-ज्यादा/ मिनिमम-मैक्सिमम जैसा कुछ भी है? यह तो पूरे जे.एन.यू. को बचाने की लड़ाई है. यह देश के लोकतंत्र को बचाने की लड़ाई है. यह आन्दोलन सिर्फ आये हुए संकट को टाल देने के लिए नहीं है, बल्कि आने वाली पीढ़ियों के प्रति जवाबदेही के लिए भी है. अगर इस आन्दोलन को लेकर सोचने का नज़रिया होगा तो यह बिलकुल नहीं होगा कि इस आन्दोलन से कैसे निकला जाए, बल्कि यह होगा कि इस आन्दोलन में कैसे और धंसा जाए और इसे और कैसे धारदार बनाया जाये. अगर “उन्होंने” कुछ तय कर लिया है तो हमें भी कुछ तय करना होगा. हम किसी मुगालते या भावुकता में भूख हड़ताल में नहीं बैठे हैं बल्कि पूरी तरह से सोची समझी गयी राजनीतिक प्रतिबद्धता के साथ हम इस आन्दोलन में गए हैं. हम भी नहीं जानते है कि हमारी लड़ाई का अंजाम क्या होगा. आज हम अपनी लड़ाई को रोहित वेमुला की लड़ाई से अलग करके नहीं देखते हैं. रोहित ने हमें संदेश दिया कि अगर बर्बाद ही होना है तो लड़ते हुए बर्बाद हो. रोहित हम तुम्हारे दिखाए हुए रास्ते पर चल रहे हैं.

अनन्त प्रकाश नारायण

(लेखक जे.एन.यू. के सेंटर फॉर द स्टडी ऑफ़ लॉ एंड गवर्नेंस के शोध-छात्र हैं और जे.एन.यू. छात्र संघ के पूर्व उपाध्यक्ष हैं.)

JNU Hunger Strike Day 12 : Game On – Students 1, Media, Authorities 0

The JNU Students’ Hunger Strike Enters Day 12. Ketone counts go up, Weight goes down, Morale stays miles high. Media fatigue shows that crusading news anchors are no match to hunger striking students when it comes to stamina, and, may we say, courage. The university authorities, the JNU VC and his gang, the government, the RSS-ABVP, remain what they are – losers.

(Images taken, with thanks, from the ‘We are JNU‘ Facebook Page, and the ‘Mothers Stand with JNU‘ Facebook Page.)

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MEANWHILE, RADIOSILENCE CONTINUES (BESIDES RAVISH KUMAR’S SHOW) ON MAINSTREAM MEDIA

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Mothers’ Manifesto: Mothers Stand With JNU

Guest Post by ‘Mothers Stand With JNU‘ 

[On Mothers’ Day, 8th May 2106, which was also the 11th Day of the Indefinite Hunger Strike by JNU students in protest against the vindictive measures taken against them by the university authorities, a group that has named itself ‘Mothers Stand With JNU’ joined the protest in solidarity. This is the ‘manifesto’ that they released on the occasion.]

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Continue reading Mothers’ Manifesto: Mothers Stand With JNU

Where are we heading? A Bangladeshi feminist’s reflections: Khushi Kabir

Guest Post by KHUSHI KABIR

Very soon after Professor Rezaul Karim Siddque of Rajshahi Univeristy was hacked to death in the morning of April 23, 2016, I wrote my feelings, my frustrations, my concerns and my fears. From all the information we received, Professor Karim appeared to be a quiet man, a man who was of a peaceful nature, a lover of music and a committed teacher.  As is the case with most Bangalis, he loved music.  Cultural activities were in his bloodstream.  He tried to, or did set up a cultural hub in his home, where he lived, not too far from the University where he taught.  He was not a declared atheist, nor a blogger, not even an armchair or facebook activist.  Not one of the usual argumentative Bangalis, the usual picture of the intellectual.  Not one of those who were in the frontlines of activism, not a talk show star, not one who wrote long opinions and editorials about the state of affairs of the country.  Why would he be killed?

We read from the reports that we get from all the different forms of media that exists, that he was what I often describe as the typical example of a citizen of this land, the kind of people I grew up with, secular in his thinking by encouraging culture, music, playing his favourite sitar, reading books, yet sensitive and responsive to the practice of religion of the people he lived amongst, his family perhaps, certainly his neighbours.  We heard of his large donations to the building of the local mosque as a proof of this perception.  His daughter has been very vehement in stating that he was a believer.  I find it very telling on our current state of affairs that we have to insist that we are all believers.  Why should it matter?  A murder is a murder and a gruesome murder has to be taken in all seriousness no matter what one’s beliefs are or where one stands.  We all grew up learning to sing, dance, play an instrument, and write poetry, recite etc.  Where else do we find that recitation is considered a part of cultural practice, a part of the performing arts?  Was his fault that he embodied this very nature of the Bangali? Was he murdered so brutally simply to be used as an example of what not to be?  Was he simply targeted because he embodied the very spirit of 1952, of 1971 in the quiet nature of his being?

Continue reading Where are we heading? A Bangladeshi feminist’s reflections: Khushi Kabir

Appeal to JNU Alumni Friends and Delhi Citizens – Join the JNU Students on 10th Day of the Indefinite Hunger Strike: Sucheta De

Guest Post by Sucheta De

 

The JNU students have decided not to bow down. They have decided not to become just another brick in the wall. The JNU authorities have punished them with rustication, hostel eviction and steep fines for ‘raising objectionable slogans’, ‘taking part in unauthorised procession’ and ‘addressing the crowd’. Unable to frame charges, but desperate to act, RSS run VC has clearly started an ideological war on the students. And that is why, JNU students are saying we shall not accept your farman.

It is not difficult for them to collect the amount of money to be paid as fine. Workers, teachers, citizens have offered to collect money so that their studentship continues. Our comrades who faced media trial, lynch mob psyche came out from Tihar with stronger resolve to continue the struggle for justice and equality. They promised the nation that voice of the unheard will continue to be echoed through their slogans. One year of rustication and hostel eviction is nothing compared to what they have already faced. JNU students have not strated the idefinite hunger strike only to get punishments revoked. This struggle is to let the rulers know that their orders shall be resisted till the end.

'Appeal' from JNU Registrar not to involve and invite 'outsiders' for protests in the University. The 'appeal' contains a veiled threat that this might provoke 'other groups' to invite 'other outsiders'.
‘Appeal’ from JNU Registrar not to involve and invite ‘outsiders’ for protests in the University. The ‘appeal’ contains a veiled threat that this might provoke ‘other groups’ to invite ‘other outsiders’.

Several of us have been JNU students. Several of us who have been trained to think that central universities are not for us, actually made it to JNU, came to the national capital and experienced that another world is possible. Families in the lowest income groups sent their children to JNU. We women who for the first time were treated as equal human being by fellow students and teachers, became part of the struggle for liberty of workers, women, dalits and the marginalised. We denied to be reduced to our immediate identities here in JNU, we became much larger. Other comrades have fought tough battles in other universities and in several parts of the country. We met on the streets for Kashmir, for Manorama Devi, For Khairlanji, for Narmada Valley, for FTII/HCU/DU/ Jamia. And today when ManuSmrti Irani’s ministry wants to teach the JNU students a lesson for daring to raise voice against oppression, let us all again flood the streets to defend the idea of JNU.

Since 27th  May, JNU students have started their indefinite hunger strike. In this scorching heat, none of are comrades in hunger strike are doing fine bodily. But they are high in spirit and resolve. The VC has sent them letter expressing his concern that the hunger strike is unlawful and it will have implication on their career.

Their hunger strike will reach its 10th Day on the 7th of May. JNU alumni students have called for relay hunger strike in solidarity with JNU students on the 7th May from 10am in the morning. This is an appeal to all old friends, class mates, hostel friends and comrades to join the relay hunger strike on the 7th. Also in the evening the JNUSU has called for a Human Chain from Ganga Dhaba at 5pm. Let us hold hands and fight back. Fight back for all students in the counry. Fight back so that every one can reach universities. Fight back so that the possibility of a better world is kept alive. Come friends, let us hold hands with JNU comrades on the 10th Day of their Indefinite hunger strike.

Sucheta De was a student in JNU from 2005 – 2014. She was president of the Jawaharlal Nehru University Students Union (JNUSU) in 2012. She is the current president of the All India Students Association.

जिशा, मेरी दोस्त, दलितों की जान इतनी सस्ती क्यों है? चिंटू

अतिथि पोस्ट : चिंटू

Josh
जिशा

जिशा, मेरी दोस्त मेरी यार, क्या कहूँ यार तुम्हारे साथ जो दंविये बर्बरता हुई उसके लिए मुझे  शब्द नहीं मिल रहे हैं कुछ कहने को. ये देश ये समाज हर रोज़ ऐसे झटके  देता रहता है और इतना देता है, इतना देता है, की हमारे लिए वीभत्स से वीभत्स घटना क्रूरतम से क्रूरतम घटना साधरण बन गई है और इन घटनाओं को पचाने की क्षमता में भी हम माहीर हो गए है. देखो न दोस्त, असाधारण कहाँ कुछ रह गया है. बचपन से आज तक तो यही सब देख- देख कर पले बढे हैं हम सब की, जो कुछ हो अपना हक़ मत मांगना, पढने लिखने की बात मत करना , बाप या भाई लात घूंसे  मार- मार कर तुम्हे अधमरा कर दे लेकिन एक शब्द भी उनके खिलाफ बोलने की गुस्ताखी मत करना, गाँव के उच्च जाति वर्ग के सामंती तुम्हे अगर छेड़े तुम्हारा बलात्कार करे तो उसका बहिष्कार मत करना कियोंकि ये तो उनका जन्म सिद्ध अधिकार है.

तुम्हारे लिए जो लक्ष्मण रेखा खिंची गई है उससे बाहर जाने की कोशिश की तो तुम्हारी शामत आना पक्की है. और शादी? ये तो दूसरी जात में तो दूर की बात अपनी जाति  में भी करने का अधिकार या आजादी की बात मत करना ये तय करना घर के बड़े पुरुषों के कंधे पर छोड़ो. सती सावित्री बनो, एक सद्गुणी बेटी, बहु और पत्नी बनो इसी में तुम्हारी भलाई है.

 

Continue reading जिशा, मेरी दोस्त, दलितों की जान इतनी सस्ती क्यों है? चिंटू

17 Faces of Hunger for Justice – Day 6 of the Indefinite Hunger Strike at JNU: ‘We Are JNU’

Guest Post by ‘We Are JNU

At the end of the 6th day of the Indefinite Hunger Strike by JNU Students, the ‘We Are JNU‘ Facebook Page uploaded a gallery of portraits of the 17 students on Hunger Strike, together with details of their medical conditions. We are sharing this post on Kafila in solidarity

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Do Not Rest in Peace, Jisha: Shehla Rashid

Guest Post by Shehla Rashid

(Pictures by Biju Ibrahim)

Dear Jisha, I never knew you, nor did you know me.

You were probably a “usual” student, pursuing your studies, dreaming of a better future for yourself and your country. You were probably someone like Rohith Vemula, who dreamed of stars and skies. I learnt that you were a Law student, but I regret to tell you that the Law of this country fails us miserably.

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It is because a Bhanwari Devi does not get justice that Bhagana happens. It’s because no one in Bhagana gets justice that a Delta Meghwal happens. It is because a Delta Meghwal does not get justice that a Jisha happens. And most painfully, I can predict that you may not get justice either.

This is because the Law that you studied is not the law that actually runs this country- this country runs according to a parallel law which is called Manusmriti. It is routinely quoted by judges in their judgments, but perhaps you wouldn’t have studied that in Law school. It is the law of Manusmriti that prescribes limits for women and limits for Dalits.

Continue reading Do Not Rest in Peace, Jisha: Shehla Rashid

What is wrong with setting up a Sex Offenders’ Registry? Shweta Goswami

Guest Post by SHWETA GOSWAMI

The NDA government seems to have started pushing forward the regressive proposal of the previous UPA government to set up a sex offenders’ registry in the country, on the lines of those maintained in some western countries including the U.S. and the U.K.

According to the proposal the details of sex offenders even below 18 years of age would be included in the database, which will be put up on the website of National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB).The government plans to publicize their photographs, addresses, PAN card details, Aadhaar card number, fingerprints and DNA samples through this registry.

The information on offenders to be collected for the Registry include those related to their jobs, professional licenses, information of schools, colleges, institutions with which they have been associated, vehicle information, date of birth and criminal history.

The details would be put up only after they have been convicted and completed their sentence in jail. The details will not be included if the cases are under trial and are in appeal in a higher court.

Failed logic of deterrence

Considered to be a handy tool for the law enforcement agencies, the offenders’ registry is being envisaged as a deterrence by the ministers in the government since it will instill fear in the minds of repeat sexual offenders and the public would benefit from it. My concern is, whom does the government want to deter? Individual offenders or men in general? (I say men, because I understand sexual violence as male violence and women offenders as an anomaly). If it is the individual offender, only a couple of offenders would make it to the list given the low conviction rate and the snail-paced judicial processes. Given the inconsistency between the rate of crime committed and the rate of conviction, I doubt if the registry would be of any help for the public to stay vigilant against sex offenders. Continue reading What is wrong with setting up a Sex Offenders’ Registry? Shweta Goswami

Workers and Students Unite on May Day in JNU: Aswathi Nair & Umar Khalid

Guest Post by Aswathi Nair and Umar Khalid (With Photographs and Videos by K. Fayaz Ahmed, Azhar Amim, Samim Asgor Ali, Reyazul Haque and Agnitra Ghosh)

Exactly nine years back, in 2007, ten students were rusticated (again) in the month of May for their “crime” of agitating along with workers to ensure the legally mandatory minimum wages for the workers here in JNU. It was the peak of summer, the time of holidays, and the administration (like this time, like every time) thought that they could break the unity of the workers and students with crackdown timed to coincide with what was thought to be the ‘weakest’ time for mobilization on campus. The administration’s plans did not bear fruit then, they will not work now either.

Workers and Students Unite in JNU on May 1, 2016, International Labour Day
Workers and Students Unite in JNU on May 1, 2016, International Labour Day

We are in that strange time again. The summer of 2016 has witnessed a May Day wherein the workers in JNU not only took out their own rally, but also rallied with us students sitting on the 4th Day of their Indefinite Hunger Strike against administrative crackdown on our democratic spaces. Continue reading Workers and Students Unite on May Day in JNU: Aswathi Nair & Umar Khalid

‘The queer fight is against Western hegemony, not by its side’: Queer activists of Bangladesh

Received through Meena Seshu

Anindya Hajra, a friend and Queer activist in Kolkata posted this on FB.

The following letter was sent to me very early this morning over WhatsApp by a queer activist friend from Bangladesh with who I have been trying to establish contact over the past few days (and was successful only yesterday) and who wanted this to be shared as widely as possible. They said this letter was a joint one written by many persons, specifically ‘their comrades’. I have kept the original spellings. On asking them as to what this letter should be called if anything at all, they said, “Naam naai” (There is no name). Hence that is how I am sharing this letter – Anindya

“…while the West has hand-picked extremist Islam as its enemy (with the banner of ISIS) – speaking out against the violence of labor practices and money-making in third world nations is not high on their agenda.”

Dear all,

I am writing to you from a rather desperate place in the hope that you will heed my plea. I am sure that this is reaching you because you have posted something or the other about the two murders of the gay activists in Bangladesh. We are all outraged,shaken and deeply saddened by their untimely brutal deaths. Having said that please read this carefully. Let us honor the dead but not forget the living. Please stop circulating any content containing the following, especially if you are from the North America, Europe:

Xulhaz Mannan as the face of the entire LGBT movement

Roopbaan, or any other organization associated with the term “LGBT”

Bangladesh as an islamic fundamentalist country unsafe for secular bloggers, free thinkers or gender deviants.

“Freedom, diversity and tolerance are Bangladeshi values”.

You see, when you sit on powerful land and demand justice from a government, whether you are well-intentioned radical queers or people of color or marginalized activists who want to demand justice alongside us, sharing these contents, or making this news viral will not help right now. Putting pressure on your local/national governments will not help either. However, what will happen is that this will create a false image of an “islamic” fundamentalist country out to kill queers demanding that international wellwishers (read: Europe and USA) come and save them from the brown men. The deviants and queers are hiding but the international call for justice is making it difficult to avoid being visible. Continue reading ‘The queer fight is against Western hegemony, not by its side’: Queer activists of Bangladesh

Summer of Rage: JNU Students Begin Fast Unto Death against HLEC Report

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Spring has given way to the beginning of a turbulent summer. April, is a cruel month. Temperatures have risen, and so has the level of rage in university campuses. The JNU University Authorities (and their masters – in the Ministry of Human Resources Development, the Prime Minister’s Office and the RSS Citadels in Mahal, Nagpur and Jhandewalan, Delhi) thought that they could break the resolve of the students by enacting a series of harsh measures against them just before exams begin and the university term ends in summer vacations.

Chintu Kumari, Anirban Bhattacharya and other students give the call to protest against the HLEC and call for a Hunger Strike. Photo, Courtesy, Azhar Amim
Chintu Kumari, Anirban Bhattacharya and other students give the call to protest against the HLEC and call for a Hunger Strike. Photo, Courtesy, Azhar Amim

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This is a time, they must have thought, when students will be busy with preparations, and the rising heat will discourage the kind of mass mobilizations that the campus has seen since February. Students in JNU resolved a few hours ago to prove them wrong, and decided to fight back . A massive gathering stood its ground at the Administrative Block, aptly re-christened, ‘Freedom Square’.

Rama Naga, Gen.Sec. JNUSU, (Centre) and JNU Students Calling for Indefinite Hunger Strike on April 27, 2016. Photo, Courtesy, Azhar Amim
Rama Naga, Gen.Sec. JNUSU, (Centre) and JNU Students Calling for Indefinite Hunger Strike on April 27, 2016. Photo, Courtesy, Azhar Amim

They have decided that a batch of students will sit on indefinite hunger strike – a ‘fast unto death’ – until the JNU authorities roll back the draconian measures listed in the HLEC Report.

The 20 students who will be sitting in indefinite hunger strike at JNU.

There’s no looking back now. Whatever happens from now on wards, will be seen as a consequence of the cruel, evil mindset of the current regime, which truly treats the lives of the young as dispensable ballast. Its time to prove them wrong. This is a call that goes out to all students and teachers, and sensible individuals, not just in JNU, not just in Universities and Colleges all across India and all the territories administered by the Indian republic, but to everyone reading this post anywhere in the world, to stand by the courageous students of JNU. It is our responsibility to see that the JNU Authorities see reason and back down. If anything untoward happens to any student, the university authorities, and the regime backing them, will be clearly culpable.

Here is Umar Khalid, speaking just before commencing his Hunger Strike

Here is Chintu, former Gen. Sec. JNUSU, speaking at the Mashaal Juloos, (Torchlight Procession) just before beginning the Hunger Strike.

Listen to Kanhaiya Kumar, President of the JNUSU – restating the reasons for the continuation of the movement.

Thanks to the ‘We are JNU Media Group’ and the AISA Youtube Channel, for the videos.