Even as news of elections seemingly eclipses everything else in India. life, in the industrial suburbs of the National Capital Region, continues as usual. A report from Faridabad Majdoor Samachar. New Series 310, April, 2014.
Continue reading Two Tendencies in Industrial Areas: From Faridabad Majdoor Samachar
New York Police Department (NYPD) is in the news again for wrong reasons. It’s campaign to carry photos of citizens with its officers via Twitter backfired,as users flooded the hashtag with photos decrying alleged police brutality.
Not sometime ago it had to disband its Demographic Unit, which was engaged in spying on Muslim neighborhoods, infiltrating groups and eavesdropping on conversations across the northeastern United States, in the years following the Sept. 11 attacks. It had to finally admit that this secret Demographics Unit failed to yield a single terrorism investigation or even a single lead. Senior police officers of the department had to confess that the police gathered information on people even when there was no evidence of wrongdoing, simply because of their ethnicity and native language.
It may be added here that Adam Goldman, a journalist who with the help of his colleague Matt Apuzzo first broke this story about New York Police Department’s Muslim Spy Programme in a series of articles they wrote for Associated Press for which they were rewarded with Pulitzer Price.
Interestingly it was quite a coincidence that when the world at large was discussing how NYPD tried to stigmatise a community and terrorise a people, reports about the ‘informer-cop nexus behind Islamic Fundamentalism in Tamil Nadu’. Continue reading On Community Profiling
Yesterday from about 3 pm, nobody could get into Kafila. All we could see was a notice that said WordPress had suspended the blog for ‘violating terms of service’. We wrote immediately to WordPress, who replied that they would get back to us. No reply from them so far, but Kafila suddenly reappeared at about 9 pm last night.
On a possibly unrelated note, we have all been noticing the mysterious disappearance from cyber space of much anti-Modi content, sometimes even his own previous speeches that do not fit his currently projected persona. Hmm.
Anyway, we’re celebrating Kafila’s return with this rousing anthem, in solidarity with all of us out there – from Mumbai to Banaras to Kudankulam. We’re here, and here we’ll stay. To Pakistan – a friendly reassurance – don’t bother about preparing for the sudden influx of a billion illegal immigrants!
We’ll see the bubble burst. Hum dekhenge.
Courtesy Bombay ki Kahani, Mumbai ki Zubani
This is a guest post by Indrani Kar, Shuvojit Moulik & Somya Tyagi
Any dominant, mainstream model undoes the very idea of multiple modes of living and diversity which excludes the real demands of the minority groups and contributes to their social exclusion. Whereas everyone is entitled to equal and inalienable rights and opportunities set forth in the Preamble to the Constitution of India without distinction of any kind, such commitments are yet to be translated into action. Although Article 21 of the Constitution guarantees ‘Right to life and personal liberty’ to all, of which the Right to Healthcare forms an integral part, a large section of the society is still insensitive to the healthcare needs of the transgender community.
The transgender population faces grave misunderstanding, prejudice, harassment, ridicule, rejection and even exploitation at the hands of health service providers as they do not fit into the society’s prescribed, rigid gender roles. Though the transgender community is hardly a homogeneous entity and is considerably diverse in terms of gender identity and livelihoods, in public imagination such complex identities of gender ranging from hijra to transgender are all lumped into one category, which becomes extremely problematic. Unfortunately, government policies also seem to feed on these generalisations, making use of such umbrella terms rather than focus on the specific needs of different groups.
नरम फासीवाद के सौंदर्यीकरण के वक्त़ में
(To be published in the next issue of ‘ Samakaleen Teesari Dunia’)
जनसंहार को अंजाम देने वाले लोग क्या बीमार मस्तिष्क और परपीड़क होते हैं।
अपनी बहुचर्चित किताब ‘आईशमैन इन जेरूसलेम: ए रिपोर्ट आन द बॅनालिटी आफ इविल’ में जर्मन-अमेरिकी दार्शनिक हाना अरेन्डट इस प्रश्न का जवाब देने की कोशिश करती हैं। एक नात्सी सैन्य अधिकारी एडॉल्फ आइशमैन जो हिटलर की हुकूमत में चली नस्लीय शुद्धिकरण की मुहिम के अग्रणी सूत्राधारों में से था, उस पर चले मुकदमे की चर्चा करते हुए वह बताती हैं कि किस तरह ऐसे घिनौने अपराधों को अंजाम देनेवाले अक्सर सामान्य, साधारण लोग होते हैं जो अपने काम को नौकरशाहाना दक्षता के साथ अंजाम देते हैं।
एक ऐसे समय में जबकि 2002 के स्याह दौर को – जब राज्य के कर्णधारों की अकर्मण्यता और संलिप्तता के चलते हजारों निरपराधों को जान से हाथ धोना पड़ा – और कुछ लाख लोग अपने मुल्क में ही शरणार्थी का जीवन जीने के लिए अभिशप्त हो चले हैं, को भुला देने की, उनका साफसुथराकरण करने की कोशिशें तेज हो चली हैं, और विकास का एक ऐसा शगूफा खड़ा किया जा रहा है जिसके तले असहज करनेवाले तमाम प्रश्न दफन हो जाएं तो इन सारे सवालों से रूबरू होने की जरूरत बनती है।
इसी पृष्ठभूमि में हम 2014 के चुनावों की आजाद भारत के इतिहास में अहमियत पर गौर कर सकते हैं और इस बात को समझ सकते हैं कि क्यों उसकी तुलना जर्मनी के 1933 के चुनावों से की जा रही है, जिसने हिटलर के आगमन का रास्ता सुगम किया था।
वजह साफ है कि आज़ादी के बाद पहली बार ऐसी घड़ी आयी है जब तमाम अनुदारवादी, संकीर्णमना, असमावेशी ताकतें – जिन्होंने हमेशा ही संविधान के बुनियादी मूल्यों की मुखालिफत की है- आज नयी वैधता हासिल कर जनता के एक हिस्से को अपनी ओर आकर्षित करने में कामयाब होती दिख रही हैं। और इस मुहिम की अगुआई वही शख्स कर रहा है जो खुद एक अकार्यक्षम मुख्यमंत्राी है जिसकी अकर्मण्यता या संलिप्तता के चलते उसका सूबा साम्प्रदायिक दावानल में झुलस गया था, और यह इल्जाम महज विपक्षी पार्टियों ने ही उसकी पार्टी के वरिष्ठतम नेता ने ही लगाया है कि वह कठिन समय में ‘राजधर्म’ निभाने में असफल रहा था। Continue reading द्वार पर नीरो !
The Aam Aadmi Party was reluctant to include the issue of the rights of the LGBT people in its Delhi manifesto due to strategic reasons. Explaining the absence, the party officials said that conservative voters might turn away from the party if they find it supporting the LGBT cause. The LGBTs also seem to ‘understand’ the constraints of the poor party. The election meetings could have served as a wonderful platform had the party decided to talk to the people about this issue, telling them why it is important for us to ensure liberty to individuals to decide about their bodies. It would have been an educational exercise. Given the fact that people are ready to listen to this new party and its ideas, this reluctance on its part to take up this role says a lot not only about it, but also about the health of our polity.
The AAP candidate challenging Rahul Gandhi is harping on the bad condition of the roads of Amethi and lack of electricity there. One wonders whether Rahul Gandhi, in his response, would have the courage of a now-forgotten former Congressman. Abdul Ghafoor, once Chief Minister of Bihar, was campaigning in Siwan in a Parliamentary election. At a meeting, voters started complaining about the bad condition of roads and sanitation. He told them bluntly that he was there to seek their approval for his candidature for the membership of the Parliament and they should not waste their votes on him if they expected him to fix these problems. The problems they cited were something a municipal councilor was supposed to look after. It is a different story that he lost the election. Continue reading Elections, Propaganda and Education
Guest Post by PRAN KURUP
Who is more dangerous for India – Arvind Kejriwal or Narendra Modi? This is a question that India needs to answer. But a recent article titled ‘Arvind Kejriwal: The most dangerous man in India’ has ventured to supply a one-sided answer to this question. The title is as catchy as it is misleading if not subversive. The ensuing ‘analysis’ is sadly not borne out by facts but relies on obfuscation and rhetoric. The tragic outcome is that many pertinent facts have been buried beneath the rubble of unsubstantiated allegations and sinister accusations. On the whole the article is an anti-Kejriwal diatribe disguised as an intellectual treatise.
While conferring on Modi the respectable halo of a “firebrand Hindu nationalist”, the writer goes on to indulge in pure speculation and sweeping generalizations about Kejriwal and other AAP leaders.
Here are some samples:
“Kejriwal spent his time in office preening for the cameras.” Continue reading Is Arvind Kejriwal dangerous for India? Pran Kurup
Guest post by SANJAY KUMAR
Delhi 1984 and Gujarat 2002 are among the darkest spots in India’s post independence history. Like all other communal killings in the country, they too were similar in the mechanics of their violence. Connivance of the top state authorities, active role of elected politicians, police and bureaucratic indifference, a cornered and hapless minority, and participation of ordinary folks in violence and looting, all elements of the process of communal killings almost reached the point of perfection in these two pogroms. So much so, that they indeed were not contained, but played themselves out fully, till the time killers and looters got tired, or when nobody was left to be killed, and nothing remained to be burnt and looted. All those who talk, think, write or make claims about civilisation in India, should take a few moments off to come to terms with these two events. Victims of these pogroms too, like of other communal killings in the country, continue to wait for justice. Collusion of investigative agencies, protective shadow of state power and judicial lethargy has meant that prime movers behind these killings have remained beyond the arm of justice. In fact, particularly in these two cases, the political fortunes of parties involved in killings witnessed an unprecedented boom. Congress party under Rajiv Gandhi in 1984 returned with the largest ever national mandate to Lok Sabha; and the BJP under Narendra Modi has successfully decimated all political opposition in Gujarat, and is now eyeing central power under his leadership. Continue reading Pogrom Politics from 1984 to 2002: Sanjay Kumar
Guest post by UZAIR BELGAMI
I have been reading around of late and was surprised to see that there are actually still some people who think there is still a chance that Narendra Modi will not become PM of this country in 2014. Hah! Must be those minorities, or those Secularists, or those Communists who are saying and thinking this – all are Pakistan-lovers, Leftists and anti-nationals. I felt it is necessary I deal with these people through this article, in order to deal the ‘final blow’ before the elections. Continue reading Why Modi will become PM of India: Uzair Belgami
For several months, I have been hearing Narendra Modi’s campaign speeches quite regularly, paying attention to his themes, rhetoric and imagery. As expected, he has vigorously attacked key political opponents — the Nehru-Gandhi family, Nitish Kumar, Mulayam Singh Yadav. But a systematic silence has also marked his campaign. Quite remarkably, Hindu nationalism has been absent from his speeches.
This is the opening paragraph from an article by an important US-based Indian political scientist, Ashutosh Varshney. This article, published in the Indian Express on 27 March 2014, under the caption “Modi the Moderate” has been now followed up by another piece in the same newspaper that somewhat modifies the earlier position, this time by “Hearing the Silence”. Strange that he did not hear the silence in the first instance, even after having listened to Modi’s speeches closely (‘paying attention to his rhetoric and imagery’). Not that he did not ‘hear the silence’ then. He did, but just two weeks ago, identified the silence as being about Hindu nationalism. In the second piece, the silence is apparently about minority rights. How did he read the silence as one thing two weeks ago and as just the opposite two weeks down the line? What exactly was he reading?
Intellectuals generally take words very seriously. Words in their insularity, words in their most manifest meanings. But really, do words mean anything in and of themselves? One line of argument that derives from within the ancient Mimamsa tradition, for example, would argue that meaning lies in the way words are chosen, arranged and formed into sentences. There is something that happens in this process which Mimamsa scholars call ‘akanksha’ – or the expectation that this arrangement within a text generates in the reader of the text. The meaning that a text produces then, is a matter of a complex negotiations between the text and the reader – the bearer of akanksha. And since the reader is never one but many, the expectations that the text generates in different readers could arguably be many. Continue reading The Pro-Establishment Intelligentsia and the Modi Phenomenon
VIVEK SHARMA on FaceBook
If elections have been called the ‘dance of Indian democracy’, the number staged in Mewat recently could well be one of the most vulgar yet. Evidently, the Executive has done the tango with the choreographers. The question now is: will the dance break records at the box-office or will it crash?
Last week Mewat demonstrated at the hustings how a people could be swindled in front of the half-shut eyes of the world’s largest democratic state. Beyond the squeaky clean Nirvachan Sadan on Ashoka Road, the supra-institution of the electoral process flounders in muddy waters. Its grassroots representative, the presiding officer on the last polling outpost, is conceivably either a stooge of the system or just too afraid of it. Mewat stands testimony.
Even in this day and age, women did not cast their vote in Mewat. Why not? The argument forwarded by one of the ostensibly independent election observers of the Gurgaon Parliamentary constituency – after the AAP team made their complaint – was, they are politically blind. After all, through the mustard-wheat harvest season in Mewat which coincided with the elections on April 10, the women worked in the fields while the men smoked hookahs and sipped on chai discussing politics. Women harvested, tended the cattle, ran the hearths, and raised the long train of children born to them practically every other year. With a life so busy where is the time to exercise their most basic right of casting their vote?
But in fact, not only did women not vote – nor did the youth, the poor and all those placed lower in the social pecking order. And the reason is simple. They did not vote because were physically prevented from reaching the polling stations. Continue reading Democracy dies in Mewat – Should Gurgaon Elections be countermanded? Vivek Sharma
Guest Post by SIDDHARTH NARRAIN
The Supreme Court, in the National Legal Services Authority (NALSA) judgment delivered today has recognized the legal and constitutional rights of transgender persons, including the rights of the hijra community as a ‘third gender’. In judgment of immense breadth and vision, Justices K.S. Radhakrishnan and A.K. Sikri have brought hope and a promise of citizenship to a community that has largely been outside the legal framework.
NALSA filed this petition in 2012. In 2013, this matter was tagged together with a petition filed in the Supreme Court by the Poojaya Mata Nasib Kaur Ji Women’s Welfare Society, an organization working for kinnars, a transgender community. Laxmi Narayan Tripathi, a well-known transgender rights activist from Mumbai also intervened in this case.
In this piece, I will point to the highlights of this judgment and why it will go down in history as one of the most rights enhancing decisions in the Court’s history. I cannot but remark on the irony of this judgment being delivered just a few months after Koushal, in which the Supreme Court recriminalized LGBT persons and upheld the constitutionality of section 377 of the IPC. The Court acknowledges this, but makes it clear that while it recognizes that section 377 is used to harass and discriminate against transgender persons, this judgment leaves Koushal undisturbed, and instead focuses specifically on the legal recognition of the transgender community.
Continue reading (En) Gendering a Rights Revolution: Siddharth Narrain
A two judge bench (Radhakrishnan and Sikri, JJ) of the the Supreme Court has delivered a judgment in National Legal Services Authority versus Union of India which recognizes transgendered people as a third gender. We will follow this post with a more detailed analysis of the judgment, but for now the operative part of the ruling
129. We, therefore, declare:
(1) Hijras, Eunuchs, apart from binary gender, be treated as “third gender” for the purpose of safeguarding their rights under Part III of our Constitution and the laws made by the Parliament and the State Legislature.
(2) Transgender persons’ right to decide their self-identified gender is also upheld and the Centre and State Governments are directed to grant legal recognition of their gender identity such as male, female or as third gender.
(3) We direct the Centre and the State Governments to take steps to treat them as socially and educationallybackward classes of citizens and extend all kinds of reservation in cases of admission in educational institutions and for public appointments.
(4) Centre and State Governments are directed to operate separate HIV Sero-survellance Centres since Hijras/ Transgenders face several sexual health issues.
(5)Centre and State Governments should seriously address the problems being faced by Hijras/Transgenders such as fear, shame, gender dysphoria, social pressure, depression, suicidal tendencies, social stigma, etc. and any insistence for SRS for declaring one’s gender is immoral and illegal.
(6) Centre and State Governments should take proper measures to provide medical care to TGs in the hospitals and also provide them separate public toilets and other facilities.
(7) Centre and State Governments should also take steps for framing various social welfare schemes for their betterment.
(8) Centre and State Governments should take steps to create public awareness so that TGs will feel that they are also part and parcel of the social life and be not treated as untouchables.
(9)Centre and the State Governments should also take measures to regain their respect and place in the society which once they enjoyed in our cultural and social life.
चला मुरारी हीरो बनने. मगर इत्ती जल्दी काहे की – टॉफी और ट्रॉफी का फ़र्क तो जान ले पहले. भक्तों और भक्तिनों से ही पूछ लिया होता तो वो भी बता देते. मगर इत्ता भी सब्र किसे जब सामने कुर्सी दिखाई दे रही हो. वो भी परधान मंत्री की. और जब सारे मुनादी करने वाले, बैंड बाजे वाले चुगलिया, फुगलिया, शर्मा, गुप्ता, कंवल, फंवल में बादशाह के नए लिबास की तारीफ़ों के पुल बांधने की होड़ लगी हो, तो कौन है सुसरा जो हमारे सामने बोल सके है? अब मुरारी बोलता है और बैंड बाजे वाले दाद देते हैं. लीजिये समाअत फरमाइए उन्हीं की ज़ुबानी और आनंद लीजिये:
कैमरा बार बार जा कर उसी क्षण पर टिकता था.मेरी बेटी ने विचलित होकर कहा, “चैनल बदल दो, अच्छा नहीं लग रहा.” लेकिन चैनल उस थप्पड़ की आवाज़ न सुना पाने की लाचारी की भरपाई उस दृश्य को दुहरा-दुहरा कर कर रहे थे. उन्हें सोलह साल की मेरी नवयुवती बेटी की तड़प क्योंकर सुनाई दे? चैनल बदलते अधीर दर्शक इस दृश्य से वंचित न रह जायें, इस चिंता के मारे उसे हथौड़े की तरह बार-बार बजाया गया.
यह हमला था. लेकिन हिंदी में हमला कहने पर हिंसा का बोध अधिक होता है,सो अखबारों ने ‘केजरी को थप्पड़’,‘पहले माला फिर थप्पड़’, ‘केजरीवाल को फिर थप्पड़’ जैसे शीर्षक लगाए. भाषा का अध्ययन करने वाले जानते हैं कि शब्दों के चयन के पीछे की मंशा उनका अर्थ तय करती है. ‘थप्पड़’ कहने से हिंसा की गंभीरता कम होती है और हिंसा के शिकार की कमजोरी ज़्यादा उजागर होती है. थप्पड़ से किसी की जान नहीं जाती, उसकी निष्कवचता अधिक प्रकट होती है. उसमें किसी योजना की जगह एक प्रकार की स्वतःस्फूर्तता का तत्व होता है. कहा जा सकता है कि थप्पड़ मारने वाले की मंशा सिर्फ नाराजगी का इजहार था.अंग्रेज़ी में भी ‘स्लैप’ शब्द का ही इस्तेमाल किया गया, यह भी लिखा गया, “केजरीवाल स्लैप्ड अगेन”. इसमें हमला करने वाले से ज़्यादा हमले के शिकार की ही गलती नज़र आती है, मानो उसे मार खाने की आदत सी पड़ गई हो. आदतन मार खाने वाला सहानुभूति की जगह हास्य का पात्र बन जाता है. Continue reading लोकतंत्र का अंतिम क्षण
अगर मैं नहीं जलता
अगर आप नहीं जलते
हम लोग नहीं जलते
फिर अंधेरे में उजास कौन करेगा
– नाजिम हिकमत
1.
कुछ समय पहले एक अलग ढंग की किताब से मेरा साबिका पड़ा जिसका शीर्षक था ‘रायटर्स पुलिस’ जिसे ब्रुनो फुल्गिनी ने लिखा था। जनाब बुल्गिनी जिन्हें फ्रांसिसी संसद ने पुराने रेकार्ड की निगरानी के लिए रखा था, उसे अपने बोरियत भरे काम में अचानक किसी दिन खजाना हाथ लग गया जब दो सौ साल पुरानी पैरिस पुलिस की फाइलें वह खंगालने लगे। इन फाइलों में अपराधियों, राजनीतिक कार्यकर्ताओं के अलावा लेखकों एवं कलाकारों की दैनंदिन गतिविधियों का बारीकी से विवरण दिया गया था। जाहिर था कि 18 वीं सदी के उत्तरार्द्ध में महान लेखकों पर राजा की बारीकी निगरानी थी।
जाहिर है कि अन्दर से चरमरा रही हुकूमत की आन्तरिक सुरक्षा की हिफाजत में लगे लोगों को यह साफ पता था कि ये सभी अग्रणी कलमकार भले ही कहानियां लिख रहे हों, मगर कुलीनों एवं अभिजातों के जीवन के पाखण्ड पर उनका फोकस और आम लोगों के जीवनयापन के मसलों को लेकर उनके सरोकार मुल्क के अन्दर जारी उथलपुथल को तेज कर रहे हैं। उन्हें पता था कि उनकी यह रचनाएं एक तरह से बदलाव के लिए उत्प्रेरक का काम कर रही हैं। इतिहास इस बात का गवाह है कि कानून एवं सुरक्षा के रखवालों द्वारा विचारों के मुक्त प्रवाह पर बन्दिशें लगाने के लिए की जा रही वे तमाम कोशिशें बेकार साबित हुई और किस तरह सामने आयी फ्रांसिसी क्रान्ति दुनिया के विचारशील, इन्साफपसन्द लोगों के लिए उम्मीद की किरण बन कर सामने आयी।
या आप ‘अंकल टॉम्स केबिन’ या ‘लाईफ अमंग द लोली’ नामक गुलामी की प्रथा के खिलाफ अमेरिकी लेखिका हैरिएट बीचर स्टोव द्वारा लिखे गए उपन्यास को देखें। इसवी 1852 में प्रकाशित इस उपन्यास के बारे में कहा जाता है कि उसने अमेरिका के ‘‘गृहयुद्ध की जमीन तैयार की’। इस किताब की लोकप्रियता का अन्दाज इस बात से भी लगाया जा सकता है कि 19 वीं सदी का वह सबसे अधिक बिकनेवाला उपन्यास था। कहा जाता है कि अमेरिका के तत्कालीन राष्ट्रपति अब्राहम लिंकन, जिन्होंने गुलामी की प्रथा की समाप्ति के लिए चले गृहयुद्ध की अगुआई की, जब 1862 में पहली दफा हैरिएट बीचर स्टोव से मिले तो उन्होंने चकित होकर पूछा ‘‘ तो आप ही वह महिला जिन्होंने लिखे किताब ने इस महान युद्ध की नींव रखी।’ Continue reading अल्पसंख्यक अधिकार और राज्य हिंसा
Guest Post by SAJAN VENNIYOOR
What is the purpose of a political ad?
The page-killer print ad, the giant hoarding, the radio jingle and the TV spot do not serve to inform or educate the public, but only to impress them. These are peacock tails, gambling on the handicap principle that reliable signals must be costly to the signaler, and cannot be afforded by those with less worth. They are public displays of political virility, the media equivalent of a baboon’s red butt which signals the animal’s potency not just to the female but to the entire tribe.
Last month, DNA newspaper reported that the Congress is ‘buying endless radio air time in Mumbai promoting the Rajiv Awaas Yojana, the UPA’s flagship housing scheme.’ Continue reading Billboards and Booze – Celebrating Indian democracy: Sajan Venniyoor
Received via Shankar Gopalakrishnan
As the 2014 elections begin, the time has come again to state the obvious. In the context of massive propaganda campaigns, the subtle use of stereotypes, and the fact that both the Western and the Indian media share certain basic biases, many people end up believing in a range of myths about the adherents of the world’s second largest religion. This is a quick attempt at exposing those myths.
The world’s largest Muslim majority country is Indonesia (total population approximately 25 crores, larger than Pakistan). Indonesia is a secular democracy. Indeed, its population is almost a mirror image of India’s – 88% Muslim, 9% Christian, 3% Hindu, 2% Buddhist, etc. (as compared to India, which has a population that is 80% Hindu, 13.4% Muslim, 2.3% Christian, etc.) Indonesia’s national slogan is “Unity in Diversity.” Yes, Indonesia has occasional riots and bomb blasts, but so does India.
In reality the majority of Muslim majority countries in the world are secular. Several large examples include Turkey, Mali, Syria, Niger, and Kazakhstan. Despite having Islam as ‘state religion’, Bangladesh’s government is also secular in law. The same is true of many other countries. Only six countries in the world claim to use Islam as the basis of their law making – and their total population is roughly the same as the population of Indonesia, Turkey and Kazakhstan combined. In other words, the vast majority of Muslim majority countries are secular, and the vast majority of Muslims live under secular governments.
An Interview with the Jamaat-e-Islami Hind Amir (National President) MAULANA JALALUDDIN OMARI conducted by MISHAB IRIKKUR, MOHAMMAD RAGHIB and ABHAY KUMAR
Amid the talk of communal forces emerging stronger, India is going to polls. The fear of BJP’s prime ministerial candidate Narendra Modi is perhaps more felt by the Muslim minority than anyone else. The “secular” Congress—charged with corruption and misrule—does not seem much energetic and confident at this moment. At this crucial juncture what strategy should the largest religious minority community of the country adopt in the upcoming General and assembly elections? What are the options available for them? To learn about this and more, Mishab Irikkur, Mohammad Raghib and Abhay Kumar interacted with Maulana Jalaluddin Omari, the Amir (national president) of Jamaat-e-Islami Hind (JIH) last week at its New Delhi headquarter. The seventy-nine year old Amir–who is an Islamic scholar and author of dozens of books–spoke on a host of issues such as elections, politics, the social and economic problems of Muslims, reservation, framing of innocent Muslim youth on terror charges etc. The JIH—which came into existence soon after the Jamaat-e-Islami had split into two separate organisations at Partition–is one of the most influential Islamic organizations among Muslims that mainly does “intellectual” work and carries out welfare activities as well. The excerpts are as follows.
What are the major concerns of Muslims ahead of the upcoming elections?
Omari: Our Constitution does not discriminate any citizen on the basis of caste, colour, religion, region, sex etc. It has also given minorities some special rights related to their personal laws and culture. Muslims, therefore, should vote to power those forces, which are committed to upholding democracy, secularism and the principles of Indian Constitution. At the same time we should defeat the parties which are opposed to diversity. The very language of cultural assimilation is a threat to the spirit of our Constitution and interests of people. Continue reading Muslims Will Consider Supporting AAP, if it Offers Concrete Programme for Them: Jamaat-e-Islami
Bombs always make news – even when they do not explode.
Terrorists of various stripes as well as criminals know it very well. And they time their actions accordingly.
Bombs – even if they do not explode – or even when they cause symbolic damage have an added traction for the politicos of the right. They pay rich dividends.
It is one of the easiest things to stigmatise, terrorise a community, a people. In an ambience where all such anti-human acts are projected as handiwork of the ‘other’ it takes very less time to polarise the ‘us’. It is common knowledge that the vitiation of atmosphere is so immediate and complete that all talk of harmony and composite heritage can just evaporate in a fraction of a second and the saner elements within can suddenly find themselves on the margins.
Kagal, a town in Kolhapur district, was witness to such an incident, where the police discovered a bomb making factory in the Lakshmi Hill near MIDC area. The culprits involved in this action could be nabbed before they could ‘operationalise their bomb’.
The gravity of the situation could be understood by the fact that police could bust this criminal module on the eve of Narendra Modi’s proposed rally in that area. It has arrested four youths who were involved in the operation. While Ajinkya Manohar Bhopade(22) and Aniket Bhivaji Mali(22) belong to Chokak village in Hatkananagale, Nilesh Babanrao Patil (20) is from Male Mudshingi, in Hatkanangale and Anil Popat Kharase (26) hail from Kabnur-Ichalkaranji in Hatkanangale. Patil and Kharase supplied material for bomb making and Bhopade – who has a diploma in electronics and Mali – who works as wireman have been arrested for making bombs. Continue reading Bombers for a Cause ?
AYESHA KIDWAI on FeministsIndia
Ayesha Kidwai on the need for Left-Secular people to take sexual harassment seriously when it comes home to “us”.
The burning question is why Mustafa and Joseph have done this? Are they misogynistic ‘supporters’ of Tejpal or fearless worshippers of fact and intrepid journalism? While the latter question may be good for an author’s self-image, and the former one can be dismissed as presupposing too tidy a critique, the real issue is a general failure amongst the professionals to come up with an adequate response to what the changed mood in the middle class demands. Mustafa and Joseph’s failures are just repeats of ones that we have witnessed over and over again, and each profession has plunged into a crisis when a colleague has been accused: How does a ‘senior’ professional approach the fact that some young woman has gone and complained about something that wasn’t even a grievance just a few years ago? After all, it is ”her’ word against ‘his’ and we know him; and while he may have his faults, he has done so many good things, and he is above all, secular. In any case, why are these outsiders, this “bunch of feminists” getting so involved in these matters (which are always so stippled with grey when seen from our side)?
For an outsider feminist like me, the answer is obvious: no one but this bunch knows what to do when a complaint is made from within one’s own kind. When the complaints have been made from within academia or within the judiciary, it is this bunch that has fought for them to be addressed, protested and thwarted the misuse of hierarchical power and its machinery of slander and intimidation, and reminded their professions that the ideal of equality must first be expressed in the creation of conditions conducive to its access. In doing so, they have imbued the phrase “let the law take its own course” with substantive meaning.
KAFILA - COLLECTIVE EXPLORATIONS SINCE 2006 